Tiananmen Square: The Failure of an American-instigated 1989 Color Revolution
Beijing: June 04, 1989
北京：1989年6月4日
拉里·罗曼诺夫2019年9月24日
Translator: Pearl
翻译： 珍珠
CHINESE ENGLISH PORTUGUESE ROMANIAN SPANISH
Introduction
简介
There are few places in China that seem more burned into the consciousness of typical Westerners than Tiananmen Square, and few events more commonly mentioned than the student protests of 1989. But the stories are wrong on several levels. It was never reported in the Western media that there were two separate events that occurred in Beijing on June 4, 1989. One was a student protest that culminated in a sit-in in Tiananmen Square by several thousand university students, which had lasted for several weeks and finally terminated on June 4. The other was a one-day worker strike that occurred (perhaps not by chance) also on June 4, when a group of workers unhappy with their lot in life, organised their own protest independently of the students, and in a different place. For reasons that will become apparent, the workers’ protest is the necessary focus for understanding the events of that date, so I will begin there.
在中国，几乎没有什么地方比天安门广场更能引起典型西方人的注意，也很少有事件比1989年的学生抗议更常被提及。但有几个故事是错误的。西方媒体从未报道过1989年6月4日在北京发生的两起独立事件。一次是学生抗议，最终导致数千名大学生在天安门广场静坐示威，持续数周，最终于6月4日结束。另一次是6月4日发生的一次为期一天的工人罢工（也许不是偶然的），当时一群工人对自己的生活不满意，在不同的地方独立组织了自己的抗议活动。由于显而易见的原因，工人的抗议是理解当时事件的必要焦点，所以我将从这里开始说起。
The Workers’ Revolt
工人起义
A group of workers gathered, and barricaded several streets in Muxidi, an area in Beijing five or six kilometers from Tiananmen Square, the barricades attended by several hundred mostly adult workers, with an undetermined few young people. However, there was a third quite large group present that to my knowledge has never been clearly identified, though it is obvious from the photos they were not workers and certainly not young students. [1] Thugs or anarchists might be an appropriate adjective, but the facts seem to support the conclusion (and my own personal judgment) that they were mercenaries. [2]
一群工人聚集在一起，在距离天安门广场五六公里的北京木樨地的几条街道上设置了路障，这些路障有几百名主要是成年工人参加的，还有一些不确定的年轻人。然而，据我所知，还有第三个相当庞大的团体，虽然从照片上可以明显看出他们不是工人，当然也不是年轻学生。（1）暴徒或无政府主义者可能是一个恰当的形容词，但事实似乎支持这样的结论（和我个人的判断），他们是雇佣军。（2）
Body of lynched and burned Chinese soldier hanged from a building by Tiananmen Square. 来源/Source
一具被私刑处死并被焚烧的中国士兵的尸体被吊死在天安门广场旁的一座建筑上。来源
The government sent in busloads of soldiers, accompanied by a few APCs to clear the barricades and re-open the streets to traffic. [3] The violence began when the third group attacked the young men attempting to clear the barricades. They were well-prepared, armed with at least hundreds and perhaps thousands of gasoline bombs, and immediately torched dozens of buses and the few APCs – with the soldiers still inside. Many soldiers in both types of vehicles escaped, but many others did not, and many burned to death. There are countless photos of dead soldiers burned to a crisp, some hung by the thugs from lampposts, others lying in the street or on stairs or sidewalks where they died, others hanging out of bus windows or the APCs, having only partially escaped before being overcome by the flames. There are documented reports and photos showing that the group of thugs managed to get control of one APC, and drove it through the streets while firing the machine guns on the turret. [4] It was only then that the government sent in armed soldiers and military equipment.
Outside a bus, the body of a soldier burned to death by the rioters. 来源/Source
在一辆公共汽车外，一名士兵的尸体被暴徒烧死。来源
Government reports and independent media personnel generally claim a total of 250 to 300 civilian deaths before the violence subsided, but a similar number of soldiers had already been killed. When police or military are attacked in this way, they will surely use force to defend themselves and cannot be faulted for that. If you or I were the military commander on the scene, watching our men being attacked and burned to death, we would have done the same. From everything I know, I can find no fault here.
Here is an eyewitness report from someone who was there, an excerpt from the book ‘Tiananmen Moon’: [5]
以下是一份目击者的报告，是从《天安门月亮》一书中摘录的：（5）
“There was a new element I hadn’t noticed much of before, young punks decidedly less than student-like in appearance. In the place of headbands and signed shirts with university pins they wore cheap, ill-fitting polyester clothes and loose windbreakers. Under our lights, their eyes gleaming with mischief, they brazenly revealed hidden Molotov cocktails. Who were these punks in shorts and sandals, carrying petrol bombs? Gasoline is tightly rationed, so they could not have come up with these things spontaneously. Who taught them to make bottle bombs and for whom were the incendiary devices intended?
“有一个我以前没注意到的新元素，年轻的朋克们明显比学生们的外表差。他们穿着廉价的不合身的涤纶衣服和宽松的风衣，代替了头巾和印有大学徽章的衬衫。在我们的灯光下，他们的眼睛闪烁着恶作剧的光芒，他们厚颜无耻地展示了隐藏的燃烧瓶。这些穿着短裤和凉鞋，扛着燃烧瓶的小混混是谁？在那个年代汽油是严格配给的，所以他们不可能自发地想出这些东西。是谁教他们制造燃烧瓶的？这些燃烧瓶是为谁设计的？”
These are not students. You can see the burned out buses in the background. Today these rioters would be deemed terrorists. 来源/Source
这些不是学生。你可以在背景中看到烧毁的公共汽车。今天，这些暴乱分子将被视为恐怖分子。来源
Someone shouted that another APC was heading our way. My pace quickened as I approached the stalled vehicle, infected by the toxic glee of the mob, but then I caught myself. Why was I rushing towards trouble? Because everyone else was? I slowed down to a trot in the wake of a thundering herd of one mass mind. Breaking with the pack, I stopped running. Someone tossed a Molotov cocktail, setting the APC on fire. Flames spread quickly over the top of the vehicle and spilled onto the pavement. I thought, there’s somebody still inside of that, it’s not just a machine! There must be people inside.
“有人喊道：‘另一辆装甲运兵车正朝我们的方向驶来！’当我走近那辆被堵住的装甲车时，我的脚步加快了，被暴徒的有毒的欢乐感染了，但随后我就自己镇静下来了。我为什么要冲向麻烦？因为其他人都是？我在一群众志成城、雷鸣般的人群中放慢脚步小跑起来。我挣脱了背包，停止了跑步。有人扔了燃烧弹，点燃了装甲运兵车。火苗迅速从车顶蔓延到人行道上。我想，那里面还有人，它不只是一台机器！里面一定有人。”
Someone protectively pulled me away to join a handful of head-banded students who sought to exert some control. Expending what little moral capital his hunger strike signature saturated shirt still exerted, he spoke up for the soldier.“Let the man out,”he cried. “Help the soldier, help him get out!” The agitated congregation was in no mood for mercy. Angry, blood-curdling voices ricocheted around us. “Kill the mother fucker!” one said. Then another voice, even more chilling than the first screamed, “He is not human, he is a thing.”“Kill it, kill it!” shouted bystanders, bloody enthusiasm now whipped up to a high pitch. “Stop! Don’t hurt him!” Meng pleaded, leaving me behind as he tried to reason with the vigilantes. “Stop, he is just a soldier!”“He is not human, kill him, kill him!” said a voice. “Get back, get back!” someone screamed at the top of his lungs. “Leave him alone, the soldiers are not our enemy!”After the limp bodies of the soldiers were put into an ambulance, the thugs attacked the ambulance, almost ripping off the rear doors in an attempt to remove the burned soldier and finish him off. After that, charred bodies of soldiers were hung from a lamp post, and a large amount of ammunition was taken from the APC.” [6]
“有人出于保护的目的把我拉了出来，加入了一群少数想保持克制的学生中。他用尽了他那件湿透的、印有绝食标志的衬衫仅存的一点道德资本，为这位士兵代言。‘让那人出去！’他喊道：‘帮战士，帮他出来！’焦躁不安的人群没有怜悯的心情。愤怒的、令人毛骨悚然的声音在我们周围回荡。‘杀了他妈的混蛋！’，有人说。接着另一个声音，比第一个声音更让人毛骨悚然：‘他不是人，他是个东西。’‘杀了它，杀了它！’，旁观者大声喊道，血腥的热情现在被激发到了高潮。‘住手！别伤害他！’，孟央求道，把我甩在一边，试图和治安队员讲理。‘住手，他只是个军人！’‘他不是人，杀了他，杀了他！’，一个声音说。‘退后，退后！’，有人在撕心裂肺地上尖叫。‘别管他，士兵不是我们的敌人！’，士兵们四肢无力的尸体被送上救护车后，暴徒们袭击了救护车，几乎撕开了后门，试图把被烧伤的士兵抬走，把他干掉。在那之后，烧焦的士兵尸体被悬挂在灯柱上，大量的弹药被从装甲运兵车上拿走” (6)
Another soldier burned to death, hanging by a cable from the burned-out bus. 来源/Source
另一名士兵被烧死，被烧毁的公共汽车上的电缆吊着。来源
From a Government Report on the Worker’s Riot:
一份关于工人暴动的政府报告中这样写道：
“Rioters blocked military and other vehicles before they smashed and burned them.They also seized guns, ammunition and transceivers. Several rioters seized an armored car and fired its guns as they drove it along the street. Rioters also assaulted civilian installationsand public buildings.Several rioters even drove a public bus loaded with gasoline drums towards the Tiananmen gatetower in an attempt to set fire to it. When a military vehicle suddenly broke down on Chang’An Avenue, rioters surrounded it and crushed the driver with bricks.The rioters savagely beat and killed many soldiers and officers.At Chongwenmen, a soldier was thrown down from the flyover and burned alive.At Fuchengmen,a soldier’s body was hung upside down on the overpass balustrade after he had been killed. Near a cinema,an officer was beaten to death, and his body strung up on a burning bus.
“暴乱者封锁了军用车辆和其它车辆，然后将其砸毁并烧毁。他们还缴获了枪支、弹药和无线电。几名暴徒抢劫了一辆装甲车，并在沿街行驶时开枪射击。骚乱者还袭击了民用设施和公共建筑。几名骚乱者甚至驾驶一辆满载汽油桶的公交车朝天安门城楼方向冲去，企图纵火。当一辆军车突然在长安街抛锚时，骚乱者将其包围，并用砖头砸死司机。暴徒野蛮地殴打并杀害了许多士兵和军官。在崇文门，一名士兵被从天桥上摔下来活活烧死。在阜成门，一名士兵被杀后，尸体倒挂在天桥栏杆上。在一家电影院附近，一名警官被殴打致死，他的尸体被吊在一辆燃烧的公共汽车上。”
Over 1,280 vehicles were burned or damaged in the rebellion, including over 1,000 military trucks, more than 60 armored cars, over 30 police cars, over 120 public buses and trolley buses and over 70 motor vehicles of other kinds. The martial law troops, having suffered heavy casualties before being forced to fire into the air to clear the way forward. During the counter-attack, some rioters were killed, some onlookers were hit by stray bullets and some wounded or killed by armed ruffians. According to reliable statistics, more than 3,000 civilians were wounded and over 200, including 36 college students, were killed. As well, more than 6,000 law officers and soldiers were injured and scores of them killed.”(Cables from the US Embassy in Beijing confirmed the basics of this report as well as the casualty estimates). [4]
“叛乱中有1280多辆汽车被烧毁或损坏，其中军用卡车1000多辆，装甲车60多辆，警车30多辆，公共汽车和公共电车120多辆，其它各类机动车70多辆。戒严部队伤亡惨重，被迫朝天鸣枪示警扫清前进道路。在反击中，一些骚乱者被打死，一些旁观者被流弹击中，一些人被武装匪徒打伤或杀害。据可靠统计，3000多名平民受伤，200多人丧生，其中包括36名大学生。另外，超过6000名法律官员和士兵受伤，其中数十人死亡。（美国驻北京大使馆的线人证实了这份报告的基本情况以及伤亡人数的估计)”。（4)
Though conclusive direct evidence is still thin, it appears a certainty the revolt had considerable outside help. In addition to the curious timing, there is too much evidence of advance preparation for violence and supply of the weaponry used. Gasoline was tightly rationed at the time, and unavailable in the volume required for this event. Black hands arranged the supply lines and provided instructions for the manufacture and use of the gasoline bombs which were almost unheard of in China before that time.
虽然确凿的直接证据仍然不多，但似乎可以肯定的是，这次暴动有相当大的境外干预。除了事发时间很奇怪之外，还有太多的证据表明，暴力活动和所使用的武器事先准备好了。在当时那个年代，汽油的配给非常严格，没有足够的数量来满足这次活动的需要。黑手们布置了补给线，并提供了燃烧弹的制造和使用说明，在那之前中国几乎闻所未闻。
There are also too many signs of external incitement in the still-unidentified third group, whose violent actions in no way represented the sentiment of the attending public. The enormity of violence unleashed at Muxidi requires considerable prior emotional programming and could not possibly have originated spontaneously from a simple workers’ strike, almost a guarantee of external interference. Disaffected citizens in any country may parade and protest from real or imagined grievances, but burning young soldiers to death and stringing their charred bodies from lampposts, are not the acts of naive students wanting “democracy” or of workers protesting an inadequate social contract. [7] They are almost always the result of substantial programmed incitement from behind the scenes, usually directed to regime change.
第三种身份不明的群体也没有表现出太多的暴力行为。木樨地发生的巨大暴力事件需要事先进行大量的情感煽动，不可能是由简单的工人罢工自发产生的，几乎肯定是境外的干预。任何一个国家的不满的公民都可以游行示威，抗议真实的或想象中的不满，但把年轻士兵烧死，把烧焦的身体从灯柱上串起来，并不是天真的学生想要“民主”的行为，也不是工人抗议社会契约不充分的行为。（7） 它们几乎总是幕后有计划的煽动的结果，通常是针对政权更迭。
The Student Protest
学生抗议
Briefly, the students congregated in the Square and waited for an opportunity to present various petitions dealing with social policy, perceived corruption, idealism, in fact the same things that we as students all had on our list of changes we wanted to make in the world. Since the government did not immediately respond, the students camped in the square and waited.Government officials held talks with the students for several weeks, and finally set a June 4 deadline for evacuation of the Square.Soldiers were sent to the Square on the day prior, but they were unarmed and carried only billy sticks. By all reports, there was no animosity between the students and the soldiers. Neither had a philosophical dispute with the other, nor did they see each other as enemies. In fact, photos and reports show the students protecting the soldiers from angry bystanders.
简单地说，学生们聚集在广场上，等待机会提出各种请愿书，涉及社会政策、腐败现象、理想主义，事实上，我们作为学生，在我们想要改变世界的清单上都有同样的东西。由于政府没有立即回应，学生们在广场上扎营等候。政府官员与学生们进行了数周的会谈，最终确定了6月4日撤离广场的最后期限。士兵们在前一天被派往广场，但他们没有武器，只携带警棍。从所有的报道来看，学生和士兵之间没有敌意。两人既没有哲学上的争论，也没有把对方视为敌人。事实上，照片和报告显示学生们在保护士兵不受愤怒的旁观者的伤害。
Discussions were held between the students and the soldiers at repeated times during the evening and throughout the night. Almost all of the students were persuaded to leave the Square during the evening, and the small remainder left the following morning. Tanks and bulldozers did enter the Square the following morning,flattening all the tents and rubbish that had piled up during the previous three weeks, pushing the garbage into huge piles and setting them afire. This was the apparent origin of claims that “thousands of students” were crushed by tanks streaming through the Square, but this was just the clean-up crew and the students were long gone when the bulldozers and heavy machinery arrived.There is overwhelming documented evidence from a multitude of reputable sources [8-15] [9] [12] [13] [13a] [13b] [13c] [14][15]that no violence occurred in the Square, that no students were killed, and that there never was any “Tiananmen Square Massacre”. Gunfire was apparently heard in the distance, but the few reports of gunfire from within the Square itself were later quickly discredited and, as mentioned above, the soldiers in the Square were not armed. [16]
学生和士兵们在晚上和整晚反复进行讨论。几乎所有的学生都被劝说在晚上离开广场，剩下的一小部分第二天早上离开了。第二天早上，坦克和推土机确实进入了广场，将前三周堆积的帐篷和垃圾全部夷为平地，将垃圾推成一堆堆，并将其点燃。这就是所谓“数千名学生”被经过广场的坦克压碎的明显来源，但这只是清理人员，推土机和重型机械赶到时，学生们早已不见踪影。大量有信誉的消息来源[8-15] [9] [12] [13] [13a] [13b] [13c] [14][15]提供了压倒性的书面证据，证明广场没有发生暴力事件，没有学生被杀，也没有发生任何“天安门广场大屠杀”。远处显然听到枪声，但广场内传出的少数枪声后来很快失信，如上所述，广场上的士兵没有武装。[16]
The Ever-Present Black Hand
永远存在的黑手
It seems plausible that the student movement in China during the late 1980s may, at its origin, have generated spontaneously, but there is no shortage of evidence that the entire movement was quickly hijacked by agencies of the US government long before the students gathered at Tiananmen Square. It has taken some time to open locked doors and ferret out details, but it is no longer in dispute that the leaders of China’s student movement were trained in Hong Kong and Guangdong by Col. Robert Helvey, an officer of the Defense Intelligence Agency of the Pentagon, who spent 30 years instigating revolutions throughout Asia on behalf of the military and the CIA. [17]
20世纪80年代末中国的学生运动，其起源可能是自发的，但也不乏证据表明，早在学生们聚集在天安门广场之前，整个运动就被美国政府机构迅速劫持。解秘尘封的档案并使真相细节大白于天下花了一些时间，但已经不再有争议的是，中国学生运动的领导人，在香港和广东，由罗伯特·赫尔维上校训练，他是一名五角大楼国防情报局的官员，他花了30年时间代表美国军方和美国中央情报局在整个亚洲煽动革命。（17）
There is little reason to question the assertion that a major part of US foreign policy then, as today, lay in attempts to destabilise China and perhaps instigate a massive revolution that would open the door to US influence and control. It is increasingly clear today that the student movement in 1989 was a major part of that strategy, orchestrated by the US State Department with the full approval of then President George Bush. [18]
我生活在中国，多年来一直是一份广受读者欢迎的时事新闻通讯的编辑，而本篇通讯让我可以放心地接触到大约2500名在中国读过大学的中高层企业高管，他们中的许多人参与了学生运动，还有不少人在天安门广场。我和他们中的许多人详细地谈了学生运动和当时的事件。他们的评论和证词除了证实我的意见和结论外，还强烈表明，与政府进行大规模对抗和选择天安门广场作为地点的想法，并不是他们自己提出的，而是“从境外某处”策划的。
I live in China and was for many years the editor of a widely-read newsletter that gave me trusted access to about 2,500 middle and high-level corporate executives who were university students in China during the period in question, many of whom were involved in the student movement, and more than a few of whom were at Tiananmen Square. I’ve spoken to many of them at length about the student movement and the events of the time. In addition to confirming my observations and conclusions, their comments and testimony strongly suggest that the very idea of a mass confrontation with the government, and the selection of Tiananmen Square as the venue, did not originate with them but were orchestrated ”from somewhere outside”.
必须认识到，1989年中国的学生运动绝对不是“民主运动”。激发学生抗议的根源主要是公民的务实，其次是中国文化。他们没有模仿西方的政治思想，也没有模仿西方的政治结构。从我与许多以前的学生的讨论中，他们的美国中央情报局官员把“民主”作为实现他们实际和文化目标的最佳方法。这些文化目的并不一定很深。学生领袖之一的吴尔凯西（音译）在回答有关他参与的问题时说（用不同的词）“我们想要的是什么？一双耐克鞋，可以像美国人一样带我们的女朋友去酒吧。”
It is necessary to understand that the student movement in China in 1989 was categorically not a “pro-democracy movement”. At its origin the student protest was primarily pragmatic civics, and secondly Chinese cultural. The students visioned themselves intellectual protesters, not political activists, with no thought of their government replicating the political structure of the West. From my discussions with many former students, the references to ‘democracy’ were imposed upon them by their CIA handlers as the best method of realising their practical and cultural ends. And these cultural ends were not necessarily very deep. Wu’er Kaixi, one of the student leaders, responded to questions about his participation by saying (in different words) “Because we want to wear Western brands and take our girlfriends to bars like the Americans do.”
必须认识到，1989年中国的学生运动绝对不是“民主运动”。激发学生抗议的根源主要是公民的务实，其次是中国文化。他们没有模仿西方的政治思想，也没有模仿西方的政治结构。从我与许多以前的学生的讨论中，他们的美国中央情报局官员把“民主”作为实现他们实际和文化目标的最佳方法。这些文化目的并不一定很深。学生领袖之一的吴尔凯西（音译）在回答有关他参与的问题时说（用不同的词）“我们想要的是什么？一双耐克鞋，可以像美国人一样带我们的女朋友去酒吧。”
Many of the students with whom I spoke, particularly those who were actually present at the Square, have told me of the supplies provided for them by various US government sources. They especially mentioned the countless hundreds of Coleman camp stoves – which at the time were far too expensive for students in China to acquire, and many commented on the well-established supply lines of these and other items. Adding to the student supplies were manuals, instructions, training, strategy and tactics, and the patiently inflammatory rhetoric of the VOA broadcasts from Hong Kong. It is not possible to sensibly challenge the assertion that the puppet-masters were American.
与我交谈过的许多学生，特别是那些真正在广场上的学生，都向我讲述了美国政府提供给他们的各种物资。他们特别提到了数不清的科尔曼夏令营炉灶，当时中国学生购买这些炉灶太贵了，许多人对这些和其他物品的供应线进行了评论。增加学生用品的是手册、指令、训练、战略和战术，以及来自香港的“美国之音”广播的耐心煽动性的修辞。我们不可能质疑那些吊线木偶傀儡的主人是美国人的说法。
According to a government report, many Americans were active in stage-managing the student leaders, in violation of the martial law decrees operative in parts of Beijing at the time. John Pomfret, now of the Washington Post, was an AP correspondent in Beijing, and an important information conduit for the ringleaders, and Alan Pessin,a VOA correspondent in Beijing at the time, violated the restrictions by his illegal VOA news coverage, and repeatedly dispatched distorted reports, spreading false rumors and encouraging both rebellion and violence among the students. [19]
根据一份政府报告，许多美国人在舞台上积极管理学生领袖，违反了当时在北京部分地区实施的戒严法令。现任《华盛顿邮报》记者约翰·庞弗雷特是美联社驻北京记者，也是学生头目的重要信息渠道；美国之音驻北京记者阿兰·佩辛违反了美国之音非法新闻报道的限制，并多次发出歪曲报道，在学生中散布谣言，煽动叛乱和暴力。（19）
John Promfet
约翰·普罗姆费特
Alan Pessin
阿兰·佩辛
What really happened at Tian-An-Men Square 25 years ago?
25年前天安门广场到底发生了什么
Most university students of that day will tell you of the influence of the VOA and the picture it painted of “freedom and democracy”. They tell of listening to the VOA in their dorms late into the night, building in their imaginations a happy world of freedom and light. The Voice of America:
当时的大多数大学生都会告诉你美国之音的影响以及它描绘的“自由与民主”的画面。他们讲述在宿舍里听美国之音直到深夜，在他们的想象中建立一个自由和光明的快乐世界。美国之音：
“The world’s most trusted source for news and information from the United States and around the world.”
“世界上最值得信赖的来自美国和世界各地的新闻和信息来源。”
They also confirm that the VOA was broadcasting to the students 24 hours a day from their Hong Kong station during the weeks of the sit-in at Tiananmen Square, offering provocative encouragement and giving advice on strategy and tactics.
他们还确认，美国之音在天安门广场的几周内每天从香港火车站向学生广播24小时，提供挑衅鼓励和战略战术建议。
One of the original participants in the student sit-in wrote this:
学生静坐的一位原始参与者写道：
“We settled down and continued with our study. We dated, found our loved ones, and many sought to go abroad. By the time we graduated there was almost no discussion about the student movement and we no longer listened to the VOA. One thing I have been kept thinking was the role of the VOA. Many students were the fans of the radio station before, during and shortly after the student movement. Even when we were on the square many students were listening to their programs as if only they could tell us what was going on. I remember at one stage . . . I realized how stupid I was . . .”
“我们安定下来，继续学习。我们约会，找到我们的亲人，许多人想出国。当我们毕业时，几乎没有关于学生运动的讨论，我们也不再听美国之音。我一直在想美国之音的作用。在学生运动之前、期间和之后不久，许多学生都是电台的粉丝。即使我们在广场上，许多学生也在听他们的节目，好像只有他们能告诉我们发生了什么。我记得在某个阶段。我意识到我有多蠢。”
Another student made these comments:
另一个学生说：
“But it was true that the 1989 student movement was being manipulated by someone, wasn’t it? The students had nothing but emotions and superficial knowledge of politics. We started only demanding the cleaning up of corruption by officials, yet the slogans were somehow led through a transformation into ones “demanding democracy”.
“但1989年的学生运动确实被人操纵了，不是吗？学生们除了感情和肤浅的政治知识外什么都没有。我们一开始只要求官员清理腐败，但这些口号不知怎么地被引导到了‘要求民主’的转变。”
There is a huge difference in political implication between these two classes of demands. So what was democracy? What kind of democracy was practiced in the west? What kind of democracy would befit China? Frankly, I (we) didn’t have clue. In other words, I didn’t know what I really wanted. I simply had this … resulting impulse to go onto the street and shout slogans. It was as if I participated just to participateand I was moved by the simple fact of experiencing a students movement. And then things got out of control. But because the student leaders refused to change stance, the students wouldn’t back off. So the whole thing dragged on. Yet a miracle happened, those “leaders” somehow managed to escape unharmed. For many years since 1989, I had been reluctant to accept that I and the other students were actually so stupid and naive to be truly manipulated by others behind the scene.”
“这两类要求在政治含义上有着巨大的差异。那么什么是民主？西方实行的是什么样的民主？什么样的民主才适合中国？坦白说，我们也不知道。换句话说，我不知道我真正想要什么。我只是有这种冲动…结果冲动到街上喊口号。就好像我参加只是为了参与，我被一个学生运动的简单事实所感动。然后事情就失控了。但由于学生领袖拒绝改变立场，学生们不会退缩。所以整件事拖了很久。然而奇迹发生了，这些‘学生运动领导人’不知怎么地安然无恙地逃脱了。自1989年以来的许多年里，我一直不愿意接受我和其他学生实际上是如此愚蠢和天真，以至于被幕后的其他人操纵。”
The perception in the West, and also in China, has always been that the student congregation in Tiananmen Square was spontaneous, idealistic and, above all, peaceful. It may at its origin have been idealistic, but it was in no way spontaneous and, by May and June, the underlying peacefulness was rapidly coming to an end. In 1995, two American filmmakers at the Longbow Group, Dr. Carma Hinton and Richard Gordon, released a now-famous documentary on Tiananmen Square titled “The Gate of Heavenly Peace”. [20]Chai Ling, the Tiananmen students’ self-proclaimed “Supreme Commander”, for years pursued lawsuits against the film company [21], primarily because the documentary included incriminating video dated May 28, 1989, of her in an interview with American journalist Philip Cunningham:
西方和中国的看法一直是，天安门广场的学生集会是自发的、理想主义的，最重要的是和平。它可能起源于理想主义，但绝非自发的，到了1989年5月和6月，潜在的和平正在迅速结束。1995年，长弓集团的两位美国电影制作人卡玛·辛顿博士和理查德·戈登在天安门广场上发行了一部著名的纪录片《天安门》。（20） 柴玲，天安门学生自称的“最高统帅”，多年来一直对这家电影公司提起诉讼（21岁），主要是因为这部纪录片包含了1989年5月28日她在接受美国记者菲利普·坎宁安采访时的犯罪视频：
“The students kept asking, ‘What should we do next? What can we accomplish?’ I feel so sad, because how can I tell them that what we are actually hoping for is bloodshed, for the moment when the government has no choice but to brazenly butcher the people (i.e. the students: Ed.). Only when the Square is awash with blood will the people of China open their eyes. Only then will they really be united. But how can I explain this to my fellow students? I can’t say all this to my fellow students. I can’t tell them straight out that we must use our blood and our lives to call on the people to rise up. Of course, the students will be willing. But they are still such young children! And what is truly sad is that some students, and famous well-connected people, are working hard to help the government, to prevent it from taking such measures. For the sake of their selfish interests and their private dealings they are trying to cause our movement to collapse and get us out of the Square before the government becomes so desperate that it takes action.”
柴玲说：“学生们不停地问，下一步该怎么办？我们能完成什么？我感到很难过，因为我怎么能告诉他们，我们真正希望的是流血冲突，在这一刻，政府别无选择，只能厚颜无耻地屠杀人民（即学生）。只有当天安门广场上血流成河，中国人民才会睁开眼睛。只有这样他们才能真正团结起来。但我该如何向我的同学们解释呢？我不能对我的同学说这些。我不能直截了当地告诉他们，我们必须用我们的鲜血和生命号召人民起来。当然，学生们会愿意的。但他们还是这么小的孩子！真正可悲的是，一些学生和著名的人脉很广的人正在努力帮助政府，阻止政府采取这种措施。为了他们的私利和私事，他们试图使我们的运动崩溃，在政府绝望采取行动之前让我们离开广场。”
If this isn’t clear, Chai Ling is openly stating her intention to provoke the government to a violent military solution, filling Tiananmen Square with the blood of the students – for the express purpose of “uniting the people” to incite a widespread political revolution. She then laments that
让我们把话说清楚，柴玲公开表示，她打算煽动政府采取暴力军事解决方案，在天安门广场上灌满学生的鲜血，其明确目的是“团结人民”，煽动广泛的政治革命。她随后感叹：
(1) she cannot reveal to the students that their lives are meant to be sacrificed for this cause, and
（1）她不能向学生们透露，他们的生命注定要为此牺牲，
(2) “what is truly sad” is that some people, “for the sake of their selfish interests” are seeking to avoid bloodshed by preventing the government from resorting to violent measures, and seeking to disband the student protests before they themselves turn violent.
（2）“真正可悲的是”一些人“为了他们的私利”正试图通过阻止政府诉诸暴力手段来避免流血冲突，并寻求在学生抗议变成暴力之前，解散他们。
Cunningham then asked, “Are you going to stay in the Square yourself?” “No, I won’t.” “Why?” Chai replied, “Because my situation is different. I want to live. . . . I believe that others have to continue the work I have started. A democracy movement can’t succeed with only one person!” And finally, “I might as well say it – you, the Chinese, you are not worth my struggle! You are not worth my sacrifice!”
坎宁安接着问道：“你自己会呆在广场上吗？“不，我不会的。”“为什么？”？柴回答说：“因为我的情况不同。我想活下去。我相信其他人必须继续我已经开始的工作。民主运动不可能只有一个人成功！最后，我还是说吧——你们，中国人，你们不值得我奋斗！你不值得我牺牲！”
In the video there is a damning reference to American cold-bloodedness in directing the student protests, a literal confession by Chai Ling that, after the students had already voted to end their protest and leave the Square, her Hong Kong handlers still pushed her and the students to remain in the square and continue to agitate until they provoked their own bloodshed, encouraging them to sacrifice their lives as the only way to attract the world attention and sympathy which had somehow now become crucial to their cause. Transcripts and video of her entire interview along with reader comments are available online. [22]
在这段视频中，有一段谴责美国在指挥学生抗议活动时的冷血，柴玲直截了当地承认，在学生们投票结束抗议并离开广场之后，她的香港训练员仍然督促她和学生留在广场上，继续鼓动，直到他们挑起军事流血事件，鼓励他们牺牲自己的生命，作为唯一吸引世界关注和同情的方式，这在某种程度上已经成为他们事业的关键。她整个采访的记录和视频以及读者的评论都可以在网上找到。（22）
The American plan was to incite the students to not only irritate but eventually enrage the Chinese government sufficiently to provoke a violent crackdown against the students, with the expectation this would in turn provoke the general population into a ‘color revolution’ resulting in the overthrow of the government and the collapse of China. In accord with this plan, the students were pushed to begin demanding “democracy”, quickly followed by insistent and intractable demands that the government step down. As part of the process, the students were given details on the construction of a huge papier-mâché “goddess of democracy” statue in the Square. In an intelligence summary prepared for then US Secretary of State James A. Baker dated June 2, 1989, the hope was noted that the statue would “anger top leaders and prompt a response”, stating that the students (or, factually more likely, the US government) hoped the erection of the statue would provoke “an overreaction by authorities (and) breathe new life into their flagging movement.” [23]In all cases in all countries, students and young people are co-opted into a US attempt at regime change. Westerners may not easily appreciate that Beijing in 1989 was not different in any material aspect.
美国的计划是煽动学生不仅挑衅中国政府，而且最终激怒中国政府，以激起对学生的武力镇压，并期望这反过来会激起普通民众的“颜色革命”，从而导致政府的倒台和中国的崩溃。按照这一计划，学生们被迫开始要求“民主”，很快就有人坚持要求政府下台。作为过程的一部分，学生们得到了在广场上建造一座巨大的纸制“民主女神”雕像的细节。在1989年6月2日为时任美国国务卿詹姆斯·贝克准备的一份情报摘要中，有人指出：“雕像会‘激怒高层领导人，并引发回应’，称学生们（或者更可能是美国政府）希望雕像的竖立会引发‘当局的过度反应’（和）为他们萎靡不振的运动注入新的活力。”（23）在除了中国以外的所有国家，学生和年轻人都参与了美国试图改变政权的行动。西方人可能不容易意识到1989年的北京在任何物质方面都没有什么不同。
After the Government declared martial law, Chai Ling’s American puppet-masters rapidly escalated their offensive by having her distribute leaflets inciting armed rebellion against the Government, calling upon the students and the general public to “organize armed forces and oppose the Communist Party and its government”, going so far as to actually make a list of names of government officials they planned to kill, encouraging the students to obtain firearms for the purpose. She claimed they would never yield and “would fight to the finish” with the government, scheming until past the end to provoke a bloody incident in Tiananmen Square.
政府宣布戒严后，柴玲的美籍吊线木偶傀儡主人迅速升级攻势，让她散发煽动武装叛乱的传单，号召学生和民众“组织武装力量，反对共产党和政府”，甚至把他们计划杀害的政府官员的名单列出来，鼓励学生获得枪支。她声称，他们绝不会屈服，会与政府“战斗到底”，图谋直到最后，在天安门广场挑起一场血腥事件。
China was spared a national catastrophe primarily by the patient and non-threatening stance of the government which served to dampen the inflammatory rhetoric emerging from the VOA and their handlers in Beijing and the urging toward bloodshed by their stage managers in Hong Kong. The result was that when the deadline approached for the evacuation of the Square, the students abandoned their “Supreme Commander” and agreed to leave peacefully, meaning that the Americans simply ran out of time. My feeling is that China was protected by Providence, because the specter of violence and bloodshed may have been very near indeed. [24]
中国被免除了一场全国性的灾难，主要是由于政府的耐心和非威胁性的立场，这有助于缓和来自美国之音和他们在北京的代理人的煽动性言论，并敦促香港的舞台管理人员流血。结果是，当撤离广场的最后期限临近时，学生们放弃了他们的“最高指挥官”，同意和平离开，这意味着美国人根本没有时间了。我的感觉是中国受到了上帝的保护，因为暴力和流血的幽灵已经擦肩而过。（24）
Intricate plans had been made in advance to spirit the student leaders out of China when the hoped-for bloodshed began. Operation Yellowbird [25] was a Hong Kong-based CIA scheme to help the leaders of the student protests and of the violence at Muxidi to escape arrest under the diplomatic protection of the American Embassy, by offering political sanctuary, by the advance issue of US passports, and by arranging their escape from China. The CIA was central in this, but the UK MI6 and the French intelligence agencies were also involved. When the protests failed and the students dispersed, the primary leaders fled first to Hong Kong, then to the US. [26] Some of the leaders of the violence in Muxidi were helped to flee, while others where sheltered in the American Embassy in Beijing, the Americans refusing to surrender them to the Chinese authorities. [27]
如果计划中的流血事件开始，那么为了把学生领袖撤离中国，事先就制定了复杂的计划。黄鹂行动（25）是一个总部设在香港的美国中央情报局行动计划，帮助学生抗议的领导人和木樨地的暴徒在美国大使馆的外交保护下逃脱逮捕，提供政治庇护，通过美国护照的提前发行，并安排从中国逃走。美国中央情报局是其中的核心，但英国军情六处和法国情报机构也参与其中。当抗议失败，学生解散时，主要学生领导人先逃到香港，然后逃到美国。（26）木樨地暴力事件的一些领导人被帮助逃离，而另一些人在美国驻北京大使馆避难，美国人拒绝将他们交给中国当局。（27）
As well, for their efforts to destroy their own country, these student leaders were handsomely rewarded by the Americans with prestigious university degrees, good jobs, and CIA salaries for continuing to incite political instability in China. Chai Ling was given an honorary degree in political science from Princeton university and a job with the management consultancy of Bain & Co., as well as being the salaried head of an NGO especially created for her and tasked with condemning China’s then one-child policy. Wu’er Kaixi, who was actually a troublesome and unstable Uigur named Uerkesh Daolet, was rewarded with a free pass to Harvard university. Liu Xiaobo remained in China on a CIA stipend of $30,000 per year, tasked with irritating the Chinese government under direction from the US State Department.
同样，这些学生领袖为了摧毁自己的国家所做的努力，还因为继续煽动中国的政治不稳定而得到了美国人的丰厚奖励，他们拥有著名的大学学位、良好的工作和美国中央情报局的薪水。柴玲获得普林斯顿大学政治学荣誉学位，并在贝恩管理咨询公司工作，同时也是一家专门为她创立的非政府组织的发工资负责人，负责谴责中国当时的独生子女政策。乌尔开希其实是个麻烦又不稳定的维吾尔族人，他原名叫乌尔克什·道勒，他获得了免费进入哈佛大学的通行证。刘晓波以每年3万美元的美国中央情报局津贴留在中国，任务是在美国国务院的指示下激怒中国政府。
The Path Forward
前进的道路
The Americans succeeded, perhaps beyond their wildest expectations, with the inflamed violence in Muxidi, but failed miserably in their main effort which was the provocation of bloodshed in Tiananmen Square, which offered the possible prize of a revolution and the overthrow of the government.
美国人在木樨地激化的暴力事件中取得了成功，也许超出了他们最疯狂的期望，但在他们的主要努力中却惨遭失败，那就是在天安门广场挑起流血事件，这可能会带来一场革命和推翻政府的结果。
The most immediate problem faced by the US State Department was that their success in Muxidi was not a particularly useful victory from a political standpoint since it had no long-term propaganda value.Nobody in the West, especially when seeing photos of the carnage produced, would have much sympathy for a workers’ revolt in a far-away country, and it would have ceased being news within a day or two. What the Americans wanted, and badly needed, the prize they were hoping for, was photos of dead student bodies and student blood in thestreets since these infallibly draw universal condemnation. But, with the peaceful resolution in Tiananmen Square, these didn’t exist, so they gathered the photos of the carnage and dead bodies from Muxidi and presented those to the world as evidence of a student massacre in Tiananmen Square by the Chinese government, a totally fabricated story.
美国国务院面临的最直接的问题是，从政治角度看，他们在木樨地的成功并不是特别有用的胜利，因为它没有长期的宣传价值。在西方，没有人会对一个遥远国家的工人起义有多大的同情，尤其是在看到所拍摄的大屠杀照片时，这在一两天之内就不再是新闻了。美国人想要的，也迫切需要的，是他们所希望的奖品，是广场上死去的学生尸体和学生鲜血的照片，因为这些照片无疑引起了全世界的谴责。但是，在天安门广场事件和平解决后，这些都不存在，所以他们收集了木樨地大屠杀的照片和尸体，作为中国政府在天安门广场屠杀学生的证据呈现给世人，完全是捏造的故事。
By the time the students voted to evacuate the Square and even before the violence in Muxidi had subsided, plans were already well in place for more than the evacuation of the leaders. Without exception, the Western media in all countries immediately published identical claims and photos, consistently omitting all the contradictory evidence.Every photographer who took photos at Muxidi knew where he took them, and he and the media editors knew full well those photos were not taken in Tiananmen Square.It is not possible that more than 200 newspaper editors and more than 100 TV station news managers in more than 30 countries mis-captioned the same photos in the same way by carelessness or accident. This is why the Western media suppressed entirely the facts of the violence in Muxidi, and unanimously refused to publish photos of the soldiers burned to a crisp and hanging from lamp posts. They needed the facts and photos for their already-planned “Tiananmen Square Student Massacre” story.
当学生们投票决定撤离广场时，甚至在木樨地的暴力事件平息之前，已经有了比疏散学生领导人更多的计划。无一例外，所有国家的西方媒体都立即发表了相同的说法和照片，一贯地省略了所有相互矛盾的证据。每一个在木樨地拍照的摄影师都知道他在哪里拍的，他和媒体编辑都很清楚这些照片不是在天安门广场拍的。30多个国家的200多家报纸编辑和100多家电视台新闻经理不可能因疏忽或意外而以同样的方式错配了同一张照片的标题。这就是为什么西方媒体完全压制了木樨地暴力事件的事实，并一致拒绝刊登士兵被烧得面目全非并挂在灯柱上的照片。他们需要事实和照片为他们已经计划好的“天安门广场学生大屠杀”的故事服务。
It has been 30 years since the June 4, 1989 student protests in Tiananmen Square. In spite of all the categorical documentation proving there was never any student massacre in China, the US Government and its handlers refuse to let go of their prize because of its powerful political propaganda value, having enabled the West for decades to define China as being “ruled by the jackboot, the rifle, and the thought police”.This has been unquestionably one of the greatest propaganda victories in history, turning a US State Department-sponsored color revolution, albeit a failed one, into a whip that could lash China non-stop for 30 years. It was so successful that the Western media, led by the NYT but followed by nearly everyone, publish in June of every year a kind of “anniversary story” to continue to milk it for its residual propaganda value. This false story has been hammered into the consciousness of Westerners for 30 years, to the point where it is nearly impossible to discuss Tiananmen Square due to the enormous emotional baggage it carries.
1989年6月4日发生在天安门广场的学生抗议活动，距离今天已经过去了30年。尽管所有确凿的文件证明中国从来没有发生过学生大屠杀，但美国政府及其管理者拒绝放弃利用他们一手造成的结果，因为它具有强大的政治宣传价值，使西方几十年来一直将中国定义为“由长筒靴、步枪和思想警察统治”。这无疑是历史上最伟大的宣传胜利之一，它将一场由美国国务院发起的颜色革命（尽管失败了）变成了一根鞭子，可能会连续鞭打中国30年。它是如此成功，以至于以《纽约时报》为首，但几乎所有人都紧随其后的西方媒体，每年6月都会发表一种“周年纪念日故事”，继续榨取其剩余的宣传价值。30年来，这个错误的故事一直在西方人的意识中被锤打，以至于几乎不可能讨论天安门广场，因为它承载着巨大的情感包袱。
Some missing pieces of this story began to fall into place when, in 2011, Wikileaks released all the cables sent to Washington from the US Embassy in Beijing on June 4, 1989, confirming that the student movement ended peacefully and that there had been no violence, no student massacre in Tiananmen Square and, importantly, confirming some important basics of the violence at Muxidi. As well, some highly-respected international journalists, as well as foreign camera crews, and some foreign diplomats, who were present in Tiananmen Square at the time of the student dispersal, have written books and articles testifying that the student sit-in ended peacefully and that the stories of a student massacre at Tiananmen Square are pure fiction.
2011年，维基解密公布了1989年6月4日美国驻北京大使馆发给华盛顿的所有电报，证实学生运动和平结束，天安门广场没有发生暴力事件和学生屠杀事件，更重要的是，证实了一些重要的事件，木樨地的把军人活活烧死，剖开肚子，然后吊在人行天桥上的暴力事件。另外，一些备受尊敬的国际记者，以及外国摄制组，以及一些外国外交官，他们出现在学生群体中的时候，也在天安门广场写了一些书和文章，证明学生静坐和平结束，天安门广场发生的学生大屠杀的故事是纯属虚构的。
Faced with this release of evidence, Western media editors and prominent columnists are attempting to prolong this myth by fabricating an entirely new one, this being that it was the students who rigged and manned the barricades at Muxidi to prevent the military from proceeding to Tiananmen Square to kill the students there，so the Chinese government instead massacred the students at Muxidi.[28]There is no evidence whatever to support those claims, and it should be obvious from the above narrative that they are false on all counts. [29] [30]
面对这次公布的证据，西方媒体编辑和著名专栏作家试图通过编造一个全新的神话来延长天安门神话，因为是学生们操纵和控制了木樨地的路障，阻止军队进入天安门广场杀害那里的学生，所以中国政府反而屠杀了木樨地的学生。（28）没有任何证据支持这些主张，从上述叙述可以明显看出，这些主张在所有方面都是虚假的。（29）（30）
If there were a massacre in Beijing on June. 4, 1989, it was at Muxidi, not at Tiananmen Square, and the massacre was of soldiers, not students, with all evidence indicating it was engineered by the US Department of State and the CIA.
如果1989年6月4日北京发生了大屠杀，那么发生地点事实上是在木樨地，而不是天安门广场，被屠杀的是士兵，而不是学生，所有证据都表明这是美国国务院和美国中央情报局策划的。
While the American government deserves to take the blame for orchestrating these events, the blame must be shared since the Americans were themselves puppets. The conspiracy against China was wider and deeper than I’ve indicated here.
虽然美国政府应该为策划这些事件承担责任，但必须分担责任，因为美国人本身就是以色列摩萨德和锡安犹太复国主义阴谋集团的傀儡。针对中国的阴谋比我在这里所说的要广泛和深刻得多。
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Second page; more information:
第二页；更多信息：
Juan Restrepo: «Journalism cannot be a job for fanatics and partisans»
胡安·雷斯特雷波：«新闻不能成为狂热分子和党派人士的工作»
https://cualia.es/juan-restrepo-el-periodismo-no-puede-ser-un-oficio-de-fanaticos-y-partisanos/……..
Guzman Urrero
古兹曼·乌雷若
26 minute reading
26分钟阅读
Although lately we seem to forget it, the center of journalism does not lie in the business of opinions, but in facts and their balanced description. This commitment to the truth is what drives the admirable career of Juan Restrepo, RTVE correspondent for more than three decades and a direct witness to some of the decisive events in our recent history. Among other experiences full of meaning, Restrepo headed the only television team present in Tiananmen Square during that tragic night of June 3-4, 1989. Talking with him is equivalent to recovering the essential principles of this profession that allows us to put reality between quotation marks. And, as Ciryl Connolly said, “the best journalism is to talk with a great conversationalist.”
尽管最近我们似乎忘记了这一点，但新闻的中心不在于观点，而在于事实及其平衡的描述。这种对真相的承诺推动了Juan Restrepo令人钦佩的职业生涯，他是RTVE记者三十多年，也是我们近代历史上一些决定性事件的直接见证者。 与他交谈相当于恢复了这一职业的基本原则，使我们能够将现实置于引号之间。正如Ciryl Connolly所说，“最好的新闻报道是与一位伟大的健谈者交谈。”
…… ..
EXCERPT OF THE INTERVIEW TO Juan Restrepo journalist of RTVE
除了采访RTVE记者胡安·雷斯特雷波
From Manila I began to cover the Far East until in 1989, a series of circumstances made me to witness, precisely in the country that most interested me, an event that was a milestone in the contemporary history of China.
从马尼拉开始，我开始报道远东地区，直到1989年，一系列的情况使我见证了这一事件，正是在我最感兴趣的国家，这是中国当代史上的一个里程碑。
That’s what I was going to refer to now … In the early morning of June 3-4, 1989, you were in Tiananmen Square with cameraman José Luis Márquez and assistant Fermín Rodríguez. You were the only journalists who witnessed that eviction. That day you got a world exclusive, one of those that go down in the history of the profession. Before the Army acted, did you ever think that the student movement was going to end the communist regime?
那就是我现在即将提到的事情……1989年6月3日到4日凌晨，你在天安门广场与摄影师何塞·路易斯·马尔克斯和助手费明·罗德里格斯在一起。你们是见证天安门清场行动的仅有的记者。你们在那一天获得了独家一手的经历，这足以使你们的职业生涯载入史册。在中国军队开始清场行动之前，你们是否认为学生运动真的会结束共产党执政？
Yes, I did. And not only me, and so did many colleagues who were there for more than two months of crisis, as well as many foreign ministries in the world. What was happening in the countries of Soviet influence and in the Soviet Union itself made us believe that China would also open up, that the communist regime was living its last days. We do not consider that in China the parameters are always different from those with which we measure things in the West.
是的，我当时真的这么以为，就连许多在那里的我的同事和许多外国使馆工作人员，都认为，中国政府不可能撑过这两个多月的政治危机。东欧剧变、苏联解体，让我们相信中国也将会破防，共产主义政权正在进入倒计时。但是我们从没想到，在中国，事情发展变化的因素，与西方是不同的。
The issue that brought so many Western journalists to China at that time was the meeting between the two great leaders of world communism. What happens when a great event is transformed, when you have to improvise, when circumstances change? Are working conditions also changing?
当时，要不是因为中国和苏联领导人会晤，许多西方记者来到中国，国际社会根本就不可能发现中国正在爆发颜色革命。当一个伟大的事件发生变化，当你不得不即兴发挥，当环境发生变化时，会发生什么？工作条件也在变化吗？
As I already said, I was then based in Manila as a correspondent in the Far East. From there I would travel around the region with a team made up of a North American camera operator and her Filipino assistant. We worked in great harmony and, as always happened when there was a foreseeable event, we had applied for a visa to travel the three of us to Beijing, on the occasion of Mikhail Gorbachev’s visit to China on May 15 of that year.
正如我已经说过的，我当时在马尼拉担任远东记者。从那里开始，我会和一个由北美摄像师和她的菲律宾助理组成的团队在该地区旅行。我们非常和谐地工作，就像往常一样，在有可预见的事件发生时，我们申请了签证，在当年5月15日米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫访问中国之际，我们三人前往北京。
We were getting ready to leave when I received a telex from Torrespaña telling me that I should leave my two collaborators in Manila and that in Beijing I would work with the teams that were going from Madrid, also to cover that meeting between the leaders of the two great communist countries of the world, Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping. The instructions did not please me, but I had to follow them and I had to go alone to Beijing to meet the people who had come from Madrid.
我们正准备离开时，我收到托雷斯帕尼亚的电报，告诉我应该把我的两位合作者留在马尼拉，在北京，我将与从马德里出发的团队合作，报道世界上两个伟大的共产主义国家戈尔巴乔夫和邓平领导人的会晤。这些指示令我不高兴，但我必须遵守它们，我不得不独自前往北京会见来自马德里的人们。
It happened that the director of the News had changed not long ago due to the resignation of Pilar Miró, due to the scandal that arose with the purchase of a personal wear (personal ladies’ clothing). Here I must add that the transfer of powers had not exactly been a Versailles ceremony. The new director of the News, Diego Carcedo, who came to replace Julio de Benito, arrived from New York with an important memorial of grievances in his suitcase. Julio de Benito had stopped him a year before in the TVE correspondent in New York, according to what Julio himself told me, by direct instructions from Pilar Miró, because the general director (Pilar Miró)did not like the way the correspondent in that city covered the illness of the American President. Ronald Regan had nose cancer and for Pilar the way in which Carcedo reported that matter was similar as a joke, so she ended up giving the order to dismiss him from office.
碰巧不久前，由于皮拉尔·米罗（Pilar Miró）的辞职，新闻总监发生了变动，原因是购买个人服装（私人女装）的丑闻。在这里，我必须补充一点，权力的移交并不完全是凡尔赛宫的仪式。接替胡利奥·德·贝尼托的《新闻报》新任总监迭戈·卡切多从纽约抵达，他的手提箱里装着一个重要的冤情纪念碑。根据胡里奥·德·贝尼托本人告诉我的，一年前，在皮拉尔·米罗的直接指示下，胡里奥·德贝尼托在TVE驻纽约记者处阻止了他，因为总导演（皮拉尔·米罗·）不喜欢驻纽约记者报道美国总统疾病的方式。罗纳德·里根患有鼻子癌症，对皮拉尔来说，卡尔切多报告此事的方式类似于一个笑话，所以她最终下达了解雇他的命令。
Pilar Miró was in the ideological antipodes of Reagan but was clear that he was the president of a friendly nation and deserved respect. Carcedo, who for various personal reasons did not want to leave New York, managed to be appointed as delegate of the EFE Agency in that city until he was called by the new General Director in Madrid to assume the position of News’ director. So he arrived in a little bit touchy with all of us who belonged to Pilar’s team, so that when I received the order to travel alone to China, I couldn’t even suggest that I be allowed to take the Manila team. I was not trusted by the new Director of the News.
皮拉尔·米罗在意识形态上与里根截然相反，但他清楚地表明，他是一个友好国家的总统，值得尊重。由于各种个人原因，卡塞多不想离开纽约，他设法被任命为该市EFE机构的代表，直到他被马德里的新任总干事任命为新闻总监。因此，他抵达时对皮拉尔团队的所有成员都有点敏感，所以当我接到独自前往中国的命令时，我甚至不能建议允许我参加马尼拉团队。我不被新任新闻总监信任。
I arrived at the Sheraton Great Wall hotel in Beijing, in the northeast of the city, near the Embassies’ area, and there I met my colleagues who had come from Madrid. For reasons that are not relevant now, the work environment was tense, small discussions arose between them daily about the most banal and inconsequential things. I remember that, almost every day, a photographer from the Interviú magazine passed by our makeshift offices in the hotel who, when he heard our discussions, said that those from Televisión Española were in moments of daily catharsis.
我来到北京东北部大使馆附近的长城喜来登酒店，在那里我遇到了来自马德里的同事。由于现在不相关的原因，工作环境紧张，他们之间每天都会就最平庸和无关紧要的事情进行小讨论。我记得，几乎每天，《Interviú》杂志的一位摄影师都会路过我们在酒店的临时办公室，当他听到我们的讨论时，他说西班牙电视台的人每天都在宣泄情绪。
For me that situation was very unpleasant and more, as I have said, having had to do without the team with which I worked in harmony. In addition, I had not worked for more than two years with cameramen from Madrid. And here it is necessary for me to stop again on the way that we take to the Tiananmen night. In Spanish Television, at that time – I don’t know what the habits/trends (abitudini/tendenze) are today – there was a hidden confrontation between some cameramen – not all of them, I have to say – and the editors. To begin with, they did not allow themselves to be called “cameramen” but “photojournalists.” In addition, there was a small group, among which was José Luis Márquez, who considered themselves the true factotum of television. “We take the images, television is image, therefore we are the ones who make television” was more or less their motto, and even openly, they tended to disregard what the editor asked of them or to do it reluctantly.
对我来说，这种情况非常不愉快，正如我所说，更糟糕的是，我不得不离开与我和谐相处的团队。此外，我已经两年多没有和马德里的摄影师一起工作了。在我们前往天安门之夜的路上，我有必要再次停下来。在西班牙电视台，当时——我不知道今天的习惯/趋势（abitudini/tendenze）是什么——一些摄影师——我不得不说，不是所有人——和编辑之间存在着隐藏的对抗。首先，他们不允许自己被称为“摄影师”，而是“摄影记者”。此外，还有一小群人，其中包括何塞·路易斯·马尔克斯，他认为自己是真正的电视杂役。“我们拍摄图像，电视就是图像，所以我们是制作电视的人”或多或少是他们的座右铭，甚至公开地说，他们倾向于无视编辑的要求，或者不情愿地这么做。
That attitude was unpresentable/smart to me. In all work there are hierarchies and no matter how much Spanish cameramen considered themselves above editors, the way of doing television around the world worked like this: an editor gave the order and the cameraman had to attend to what was asked of him, for more than they thought otherwise. If to this is added the tension that I have already described before between different members of the team from Madrid – editors, producers, image’ editors – we have the picture of the environment in which I had to work.
这种态度对我来说是不可表达的/聪明的。在所有的工作中都有等级制度，无论西班牙摄影师多么认为自己凌驾于编辑之上，在世界各地做电视的方式都是这样的：编辑下达命令，摄影师必须照照要求做，比他们想象的要多。如果再加上我之前已经描述过的马德里团队不同成员之间的紧张关系——编辑、制片人、图片编辑——我们就知道了我必须工作的环境。
We all arrived before Gorbachev‘s visit, but the street demonstrations and occupation of the square by students and people from the people of Beijing had been going on since April 15, when was learned the death of Hu Yaobang, who was the fuse that fired the protest against the Beijing regime. Two days before the army seized the square, a column of very young and inexperienced military police from the provinces tried to clear the square, and in the vicinity of Tiananmen they were disarmed and publicly subjected to strong reprimands by students in the early morning hours.
我们都是在戈尔巴乔夫访问之前到达的，但自4月15日得知胡耀邦之死以来，学生和北京人民一直在街头示威和占领广场，胡耀邦是引发抗议北京政权的导火索。在军队占领广场的两天前，来自各省的一队非常年轻、经验不足的军警试图清理广场，在天安门附近，他们被解除武装，并在凌晨遭到学生的强烈斥责。
That was one of the many strange episodes that we lived in Beijing those days, but I bring it to mind to better illustrate what I have told you so far. At a certain point, when we were recording all those somewhat surreal sequences, it occurred to me to ask the cameraman to take some shots of a bag with food that was lying around on the ground. I remember perfectly. Then Márquez, absolutely furious, put the camera on the ground and left. The assistant, Fermín Rodríguez, then took the device and did what he could, because we could not lose what was happening on that street.
这是我们在北京生活的那些日子里发生的许多奇怪的事情之一，但我想起来是为了更好地说明我迄今为止告诉你的事情。在某个时刻，当我们记录所有这些有点超现实的镜头时，我突然想到让摄影师拍一些地上放着食物的袋子的照片。我记得很清楚。然后，马尔克斯非常愤怒，把相机放在地上，然后离开了。助理费明·罗德里格斯（Fermín Rodríguez）随后拿起设备，尽其所能，因为我们不能放弃报道那条街上发生的事情。
It was close to three in the morning. An episode like these on a North American television, for example, would have allowed the editor to call his headquarters, report what happened and his protagonist being fired. In TVE it is not this way, there could happen those things and other more serious and nothing happened. I had already worked with José Luis Márquez on other occasions. We had traveled outside of Spain, I knew he was a good professional, brave when the issue required it, intuitive, but with some personal shortcomings that I don’t want to mention.
当时已接近凌晨三点。例如，在北美电视台播放这样的一集，编辑可以打电话给他的总部，报道发生了什么，他的主人公被解雇了。在TVE中，情况并非如此，可能会发生这些事情和其他更严重的事情，但什么都没有发生。我已经在其他场合与何塞·路易斯·马尔克斯共事过。我们去过西班牙以外的地方，我知道他是一个很好的专业人士，在问题需要的时候很勇敢，很直观，但也有一些我不想提及的个人缺点。
I know you have referred it many times, but could you tell me some significant scenes that you witnessed that night?
我知道你已经提到过很多次了，但你能告诉我那天晚上你目睹的一些重要场景吗？
Yes, I have told it on numerous occasions, but this time I am trying to put some context to the work circumstances, not only to the events of that day, so that will be clear what happened to the material recorded by the TVE team during the night of June 3-4, 1989 in Tiananmen.
好吧，我曾经在无数场合向无数人叙述过那天晚上发生的事情，但这一次讲故事，我会试图把一些我当时工作的背景故事也加入其中，而不是单纯而机械地叙述那天晚上的故事，这样一来，你们就可以搞清楚TVE团队在1989年6月3日、4日录制的天安门录像到底发生了什么。
June 3 arrived and the tension was palpable/visible in the atmosphere. Márquez, Fermín and I were in the crowded square at dusk. Not only students but ordinary people and many journalists; It was a sunny day, but in the middle of the afternoon, some clouds covered the sky of Beijing giving a slightly heavier and oppressive air, and to make the atmosphere more disturbing, some military helicopters began to fly over the square and its surroundings.
1989年6月3日，紧张气氛已经看得见摸得着。马科斯、费明、和我在人山人海的天安门广场，天色已经是黄昏。广场上不仅有抗议的学生，还有许多普通市民和记者；那一天其实是晴天，但是在下午刚过一半的时候，一些云层遮挡住了北京的天空，使空气变得沉重和窒息，这使得气氛更加令人坐立不安，一些军用直升机开始盘旋在天安门广场和周边地区。
The 38th brigade of the army was already inside Beijing and there was talk of dead and wounded. Around 5:00 in the afternoon, a boy appeared with a bloody shirt and a soldier’s helmet in his hand. I didn’t know what he was saying at the time. Our translator was not with us. The thing is, that indicated that some more or less serious incident had happened outside the square and that boy was bringing news.
第38集团军已经进入北京市内，有伤亡的传言。下午5点左右，一名男孩出现了，他穿着带血的衬衫，手里拿着一顶士兵的头盔。我当时不知道他在说什么。我们的翻译没有和我们在一起。问题是，这表明广场外发生了一些或多或少严重的事件，那个男孩带来了消息。
We went to the hotel because a piece had to be edited and a telephone chronicle dictated. It had started to get dark. It would be after 7:00 when we got to the Sheraton. I sat down to write the chronicle when I received a call from Alicia Relinque, our translator, telling me that near the neighborhood of the diplomatic legations a tank had attacked a group of people, that there were shots being fired and that there were probably some wounded people. Around 9:30 at night I heard on an English radio, I don’t remember which one, maybe the BBC, that the square had been completely cleared of journalists. It seems to me that CBS radio was the last team to leave Tiananmen that night.
我们去了酒店，因为有一篇文章要编辑，还要口述电话编年史。天已经开始黑了。当我们到达喜来登酒店时，已经是7点多了。我坐下来写编年史时，接到我们的翻译艾丽西亚·雷林克的电话，告诉我在外交使团附近，一辆坦克袭击了一群人，有人开枪，可能有一些人受伤。晚上9点30分左右，我从一个英国广播电台听到，我不记得是哪一个，也许是英国广播公司，广场上完全没有记者。在我看来，哥伦比亚广播公司电台是当晚离开天安门的最后一支队伍。
One fact that supports the precariousness of the means we had was not having a permanently hired car and that we moved by taxi at all times. By this time, most of the people who had come from Madrid to cover Gorbachev‘s visit to Beijing had already returned and (taxis) with them. Also, they had been taken editing teams with them. In Beijing there were only Márquez, Fermín and I, and a producer, Santiago de Arribas, who was in charge of managing everything related to the transmission and shipment of the material to Madrid.
有一个事实支持了我们工作的不稳定，那就是我们没有一辆永久租用的汽车，而且我们一直坐出租车。此时，大多数从马德里来报道戈尔巴乔夫访问北京的人已经回来，并与他们一起乘坐出租车。此外，他们还带了编辑团队。在北京，只有马尔克斯、费明和我，还有一位制片人圣地亚哥·德·阿里巴斯，他负责管理与材料传输和运往马德里有关的一切。
I called Márquez and Fermín to their rooms and told them that we should try to go to the plaza. It was crazy seen after what happened, but it seemed normal to me at the time. The three of us left the hotel shortly before 11:00 at night. When we got to the hall, it was dark and quiet, half empty. An impressive contrast to what had been in the previous days that was bustling with people and animation. Several television crews such as ABC, BBC and CNN were staying there, as well as journalists from the written media whose presence helped to bring life to that place. That night, there was nothing there.
我给马尔克斯和费明的酒店房间打电话，告诉他们说，我们应该试图去天安门广场。中苏领导人会晤后，天安门广场上发生的事情，只能用疯狂来形容，但是对我来说，早已经见怪不怪了。我们三个人，在晚上11点刚过的时候，就离开了酒店。当我们下楼到达酒店大厅的时候，大厅一片漆黑和安静，酒店大厅的一半空间都是空的。与前一天酒店大堂中的繁忙和嘈杂形成了鲜明对比。有几家电视台的工作组，比如美国广播公司、英国广播公司、美国国家有线电视新闻网，都在酒店大堂，还有一些平面媒体的工作组也在酒店大堂，这些人使酒店大堂尚且有了一丝人气。那天晚上，酒店中什么都没有。
When the three of us left, silence reigned in the gloom of that modern hotel. Then one of those strange things that happen in these kinds of circumstances happened and that is that a single and lonely taxi driver, half asleep, was there near the hotel door, inside his vehicle, as if he was waiting for us. It was the only vehicle available. The man only spoke Chinese but understood that we wanted to go to Tiananmen. He accepted our request and we started our tour through the city.
当我们三个人离开时，那家现代化酒店的昏暗中一片寂静。然后，发生了一件奇怪的事情，那就是一个孤独的出租车司机，半睡半醒，就在酒店门口附近，他就好像是在等我们一样。这是唯一可用的车。那个人只会说中文，但他明白我们想去天安门。他接受了我们的要求，我们开始在城市中穿梭。
We walked around the northeast of Beijing for about an hour and a half, looking for an exit to the square, but we found the roads blocked by burning vehicles and barricades that people improvised like burning car tires or wheels, until at a crossroads of large avenues – rebuilding later I have always thought that it was at the intersection of Chaoyanmen and Dianmen, although today I am not so sure – we found something that had a great impact on us.
我们在北京东北部走了大约一个半小时，寻找通往广场的道路，但我们发现道路被燃烧的车辆和人们临时设置的路障堵塞，就像燃烧的汽车轮胎或车轮一样，直到在一个大马路的十字路口——后来重建——我一直认为它在潮雁门和店门的交叉口，尽管今天我不太确定——我们发现了一些对我们有很大冲击力的东西。
The streets were dark, we stopped next to a group of people who were milling around, almost all young boys who, seeing that we were foreign press, led us a few meters ahead where there was another group of people. There were about ten or twelve bicycles crushed by army tanks hours before, twisted like a mess of wire, and next to them the corpse of a young man, his head shattered and his brain mass spilled on the ground. A few meters from there, we saw, as we were leaving, a military transport truck and inside, quiet and calm as if they were waiting for someone, very young soldiers. The truck was surrounded by people who, obviously, did not allow its movement or the departure of the military.
街道一片黑暗，我们停在一群人旁边，他们在周围转来转去，几乎都是年轻的男孩，他们看到我们是外国记者，就把我们带到前面几米的地方，那里还有另一群人。几个小时前，大约有十到十二辆自行车被军队的坦克压碎，像一团电线一样扭曲，旁边是一具年轻人的尸体，他的头被碾碎了，脑块散落在地上。在离那里几米远的地方，当我们离开时，我们看到一辆军用运输卡车和里面，安静而平静，好像他们在等着一个人，一个非常年轻的士兵。卡车周围的人显然不允许卡车移动或军队离开。
We resumed our march until we entered the Qinmen hutong minutes later. The Beijing hutongs are old neighborhoods that were close to the Forbidden City, with very narrow streets and low houses with an inner courtyard. Today many of them have disappeared. Paradoxically, those alleys were quiet, outside the houses you could see people talking, as if nothing was happening in the city. Our taxi continued without stopping but at a slow pace, so that I could see through the open windows of the houses people listening to the radio or watching television. We recorded images from inside the vehicle and I remember Márquez commenting: “This is very nice, boy.”
我们继续前进，直到几分钟后进入秦门胡同。北京胡同是靠近紫禁城的老街区，街道非常狭窄，房屋低矮，有一个内院。今天，他们中的许多人已经消失了。矛盾的是，那些小巷很安静，在房子外面你可以看到人们在说话，就好像城市里什么都没发生一样。我们的出租车继续行驶，没有停下来，但速度很慢，这样我就可以透过打开的窗户看到人们在听广播或看电视。我们记录了车内的图像，我记得马尔克斯评论道：“你很有职业精神，孩子。”
Suddenly, without us waiting for it although our taxi driver knew what he was looking for, we found ourselves in front of the square. We had reached the southwest corner of Tiananmen. We had reached the Qinmen gate south of the square. We entered Tiananmen, we left our vehicle next to the pavement on the eastern side when at that very moment a pedal vehicle with a wooden platform that was very common then in China appeared at the scene, loaded with several wounded and perhaps some dead. This was not the time to check it out. The driver of that tricycle was looking for a nearby hospital, he was heading north, towards Changan Avenue, the great artery that passes in front of the Forbidden City and crosses Beijing from east to west.
突然，不等我们反应过来，尽管出租车司机知道他在找什么，但我们发现自己已经在广场前。我们已经到达天安门的西南角。我们已经到了广场南面的秦门。我们进入天安门，把车停在东侧的人行道旁，就在这时，一辆当时在中国很常见的带木制平板的脚踏三轮车出现在现场，车上有几名伤者，也许还有一些人死亡。现在不是检查的时候。那辆三轮车的司机正在寻找附近的医院，他正向北驶向长安街，这条大动脉从东向西穿过紫禁城。
Shortly after, another vehicle looking in the same direction, this time a small flatbed truck, also loaded with bloody bodies, appeared from the same place. He managed to overcome, not without some difficulty, some obstacles that were there on the ground and continued on his way. Naturally, we recorded all of that.
不久后，另一辆车朝同一方向驶去，这一次，一辆同样满载血腥尸体的小型平板卡车从同一地点出现。他设法撞开了地面上的一些障碍，并继续前进。很自然，我们记录了所有这些。
It was after midnight on June 3 when we entered the great Tiananmen esplanade, past the Mao Tsetung Mausoleum, and headed towards the Heroes’ Monument in the center of the square. We found thousands of students gathered around the monument. Then I calculated about two thousand but it could be many more. They were calm, silent. Explosions and shots were heard outside the square. The place was dimly lit and a voice could be heard from the loudspeakers giving some indications from time to time.
6月3日午夜刚过12点，我们进入天安门长安街，经过毛主席纪念堂，驶向广场中央的人民英雄纪念碑。我们发现纪念碑周围有数千名学生。我数了一下，大约两千名学生，可能更多。他们安静、沉默。爆炸声和枪声在天安门外围此起彼伏。整个天安门广场光线昏暗。高音喇叭不停地播放人的说话，要求学生撤离。
From there you could see the glow of fires or bonfires lit outside. The other three corners that gave access to the square were blocked by the army.
从那里你可以看到外面燃起的火光或篝火。通往广场的另外三个角落被军队封锁了。
When we approached the students and they saw that we had the camera on, they began to sing the Internationale. For me it was one of the most moving and moving moments of that night. A boy broke away from the group and came towards us waving a huge Chinese flag. I did a presentation on camera committing an imprudence which was to turn on the flash, which may have drawn the attention of us from the military under the Tiananmen Gate. A boy who heard me speak came up to us and told us in Spanish what it felt like to be surrounded by the army. No one from the army or the police approached, however, nor did they prevent us from recording, but that was indeed one of the risks we ran, and that is precisely the key to what happened to the material recorded that night.
当我们走近学生们，他们看到我们打开了相机，他们开始唱《国际歌》。对我来说，这是当晚最感人的时刻之一。一个男孩从人群中挣脱出来，挥舞着一面巨大的中国国旗向我们走来。我在镜头前做了一个演示，犯了一个鲁莽的行为，那就是打开闪光灯，这可能引起了我们天安门下军队的注意。一个听到我说话的男孩走到我们面前，用西班牙语告诉我们被军队包围的感觉。然而，军队或警察没有人靠近，也没有阻止我们录音，但这确实是我们面临的风险之一，这正是当晚录音材料发生的关键。
As we realized that we could be arrested and we were in danger of having our material confiscated, we began to record on tapes that lasted only five or ten minutes for half an hour. We recorded, we changed tapes to protect what was recorded, we camouflaged it as best we could and put a new tape, until they were exhausted and we had to use the already used ones and record in the remaining queues of those already recorded. This meant that the material was recorded loosely on the cassettes. What was recorded did not correspond to the chronological order in which things had happened and that is important to understand what happened later with the material.
当我们意识到我们可能会被逮捕，而且我们的材料有被没收的危险时，我们开始用录音带录制，只持续了五到十分钟，持续了半个小时。我们录制，我们更换磁带以保护录制的内容，我们尽可能地伪装它，放一盘新磁带，直到它们用完，我们不得不使用已经使用过的磁带，并在已经录制的磁带的剩余队列中录制。这意味着这些材料被松散地记录在磁带上。所记录的内容与事情发生的时间顺序不符，这对于理解后来发生的事情很重要。
Between midnight and almost 4:00 a.m. on Sunday we filmed all over the square, which was a huge deserted esplanade. The students continued to huddle around the Monument to the Heroes. Shortly after we got there, around 1:00 in the morning, a tank with pneumatic wheels entered the plaza from the western side, from Changan, not a tank, a small tank (una tanqueta). Some students came out of the monument and confronted it by throwing sticks and bottles at it or whatever they found there. The driver turned and went back the way he had come.
从午夜到周日凌晨4点，我们拍摄了整个广场，这是一个巨大的废弃广场。学生们继续挤在英雄纪念碑周围。我们到达那里后不久，凌晨1点左右，一辆带充气轮的坦克从西侧进入广场，从长安进入，不是一辆坦克，而是一辆小坦克（una tanqueta）。一些学生从纪念碑出来，向纪念碑或他们在那里发现的任何东西扔棍子和瓶子，与之对峙。司机转过身，沿着他来的路往回走。
The students sang again in chorus, while the authorities continued to broadcast slogans and instructions to evacuate the square over the loudspeakers. This I learned later because at that time I did not understand what they were saying. We even got close to filming up to Changan Avenue, in front of the Tiananmen Tower where, under the large portrait of Mao that dominates the square, about a thousand soldiers remained impassive awaiting orders. On our way through the remaining tents we saw some lonely boy sleeping as if nothing happened there.
学生们再次合唱，而当局继续通过扬声器播放口号和撤离广场的指示。我后来才知道这一点，因为当时我不明白他们在说什么。我们甚至接近拍摄天安门城楼前的长安大道，在广场上俯瞰着毛的大幅肖像下，大约一千名士兵仍然无动于衷地等待命令。在穿过剩下的帐篷的路上，我们看到一个孤独的男孩睡着了，好像什么都没发生一样。
Our driver, who was very scared, began to hurry us to leave there and making turns with his hand indicated that the place was surrounded, while saying the only word in English he could pronounce: “Soldiers, soldiers!”.
我们的司机非常害怕，开始催促我们离开那里，他用手转弯表示这个地方被包围了，同时说了他唯一能发音的英语单词：“士兵，士兵！”。
He understood, probably by talking to one of the students, what the situation was in the place. The square was surrounded by soldiers, and as he felt anguished he wanted to get out of there.
他可能通过与其中一名学生交谈，了解了当时的情况。广场周围都是士兵，当他感到痛苦时，他想离开那里。
We decided then that I would take him to a discreet and safe place and I went out with him after 4:00 in the morning, when all the lights in the place had gone out. Tiananmen was completely dark and I took the taxi out to neighboring Qinmen Hutong, where we had entered. We agreed that on my return we would find ourselves at the foot of one of the sculptural groups that flank the Mao Tsetung mausoleum to the south.
我们当时决定，我会把他带到一个谨慎安全的地方，凌晨4点后，当这个地方所有的灯都熄灭时，我和他一起出去了。天安门一片漆黑，我打车去了邻近的秦门胡同，我们就是从那里进去的。我们一致认为，当我回来时，我们会发现自己在毛陵墓南面的一个雕塑群的脚下。
It was important to keep the vehicle to get out of there later on, so that, in effect, I left it in one of the streets I have described before and walked back to the square, where the eviction had already begun.
重要的是要让车稍后离开那里，所以实际上，我把它留在了我之前描述过的一条街道上，然后走回广场，驱逐已经开始了。
When I went to the monument where I had met with Márquez and Fermín, they were not there of course. The chaos was total. Thousands of soldiers emerged from within the Forbidden City, some with truncheons/batons in hand and others with rifles with fixed bayonets, pointed at the crowd.
当我去与马尔克斯和费明会面的纪念碑时，他们当然不在那里。一片混乱。数千名士兵从紫禁城内出现，其中一些人手持警棍/警棍，另一些人手持带固定刺刀的步枪，指着人群。
Thousands of soldiers also emerged from the Great Hall of the People building, on the western side of the square, under the same circumstances as those in the Forbidden City: some pointing their rifles and others with batons in hand. The idea was to move in an inverted L shape towards the monument and move the students towards the south western corner, which was the only one of the four entrances that was not blocked by the army.
数千名士兵也从广场西侧的人民大会堂大楼中出现，他们的情况与紫禁城中的士兵相同：一些人指着步枪，另一些人手里拿着警棍。当时的想法是以倒L形向纪念碑移动，并将学生转移到西南角，这是四个入口中唯一没有被军队封锁的一个。
Given the confrontational conditions that I had with Márquez during all that work, in the midst of that chaos I had time and courage to prevent another possible upset. As I already imagined what would happen if we did not meet, to leave proof that I returned to the indicated place and appointment, I climbed the pedestal, which was low, just over a meter, and embedded within the folds of carved stone of that sculptural group a small plastic object with the naive pretense of showing it to my colleagues the next day. A naivety, because the square could not be re-entered for several weeks after that tragedy.
考虑到我在所有这些工作中与马尔克斯的对抗条件，在混乱中，我有时间和勇气防止再次发生可能的骚乱。正如我已经想象过的那样，如果我们不见面会发生什么，为了留下证据证明我回到了指定的地点和约会地点，我爬上了基座，基座很低，只有一米多，在那个雕塑群的雕刻石褶皱中嵌入了一个小塑料物体，天真地假装第二天把它展示给我的同事。天真，因为在那场悲剧发生后的几个星期里，广场都无法重新进入。
As the soldiers advanced, pushing the students toward the southeast corner, they dismantled and burned the remaining tents. A tank toppled the statue of the Goddess of Democracy that the Fine Arts students had installed in front of Mao’s portrait, at the north of the square.
当士兵们向前推进，把学生们推向东南角时，他们拆除并烧毁了剩下的帐篷。一辆坦克推倒了美术系学生安装在广场北侧毛肖像前的民主女神雕像。
The eviction was rude, energetic and firm, but the massacre of which everyone spoke later did not occur. The students left the plaza in an orderly fashion and finished at 6:00 in the morning. They were sad, defeated, some of them were crying, hugging. They carried the instruments that had served them to make propaganda during the weeks of occupation of the square, such as loudspeakers and small manual printers. Then I ran into a colleague from the English magazine The Spectator, Richard Nations, who told me that he had seen my two companions leave at the head of the march.
驱逐是粗鲁、有力和坚定的，但后来所有人都谈到的大屠杀并没有发生。学生们有序地离开了广场，早上6点结束了活动。他们很伤心，被打败了，有些人在哭泣，拥抱。他们携带了在占领广场的几周里为他们提供宣传服务的工具，如扬声器和小型手动打印机。然后我遇到了英国杂志《旁观者》的一位同事Richard Nations，他告诉我，他看到我的两个同伴在游行队伍的最前面离开了。
Márquez and Fermín were accompanying the students who turned right down Qinmen Xi Dajie Avenue and then headed north, towards Peking University, surely. But reaching almost Changan, near the Beijing Concert Hall, tanks and troops appeared and began firing at the crowd. I guess some students wanted to head back down Changan toward the plaza. There, after seven in the morning there were more deaths and injuries, but this happened outside the square, not in Tiananmen as many media reported later.
马尔克斯和费明陪同学生们沿着前门西大街右转，然后北上，前往北京大学。但几乎到达长安，在北京音乐厅附近，坦克和部队出现并开始向人群开火。我猜有些学生想沿着长安街返回广场。在那里，早上七点之后，有更多的伤亡，但这发生在广场外，而不是像许多媒体后来报道的那样发生在天安门。
So why does everyone knows it as the Tiananmen massacre?
所以为什么每个人都以为那是天安门大屠杀？
Because that was how all the world’s media presented it as soon as the tragedy occurred and the TVE images contributed, without our intention, to create that confusion. There was tragedy, yes, and deaths too, many, even today we do not know how many. Throughout these years, there was a dance of figures ranging from 250 to 3,000. In any case, they did not die inside the square, but at night, in the area of Muxidí, east of the square, and in the morning not far from the seat of government called Zhongnanhai, west of Tiananmen. And the fact that the slaughter was outside the square has its importance, because surely the order that the army had was to preserve the entrances to blood and fire and that there was no bloodshed inside because of the symbolic value of the place.
因为悲剧发生后，全世界的媒体都是这样报道的，而TVE的图像无意中制造了这种混乱。是的，有悲剧，也有很多人死亡，即使在今天我们也不知道有多少人。在这些年里，出现了从250到3000人的数字舞蹈。无论如何，他们并没有死在广场内，而是在晚上，死在广场以东的木樨地地区，早上死在离天安门以西的中南海政府所在地不远的地方。屠杀发生在广场外这一事实很重要，因为军队的命令肯定是保护血与火的入口，而且由于这个地方的象征价值，里面没有流血事件。
I remember that a colleague told me, when I told him: “What difference does it make if it was outside or inside, it was a massacre!” Well, it turns out that for the Chinese it did have its importance, Tiananmen is a “sacred” place for Chinese communism. There the mummy of Mao rests, her gaze contemplates the place from the entrance to the Forbidden City. The People’s Republic of China was officially born there, there is the monument to the heroes of the anti-Japanese struggle and it is on an axis with the Temple of Heaven whose meaning only the Chinese can understand.
我记得一位同事告诉我，当时我告诉他：“无论是在外面还是在里面，这都是一场大屠杀，有什么区别！”事实证明，对中国人来说，天安门确实有其重要性，天安门是中国共产主义的“神圣”之地。毛的木乃伊在那里休息，她的目光凝视着紫禁城入口处的地方。中华人民共和国在那里正式诞生，那里有抗日英雄纪念碑，它与天坛在一条轴线上，天坛的意义只有中国人才能理解。
What they could not avoid is that it is known as the “Tiananmen massacre” because of a tremendous paradox derived from our images. When we arrived at the hotel on the morning of Sunday June 4 with those images, several colleagues wanted to have them. I decided to share them with the American ABC, because it was the only way to get them out of China immediately. With all those dead and wounded, all the media were already talking about the Tiananmen massacre when our images arrived, carried by hand by an ABC messenger to send TVE to Madrid and distribute to the whole world; But, as I have told – and that is why I insisted on it before – the recording that was in our cassettes was not in the chronological order as the events had occurred. There were dead and wounded in them before entering the square and then in the morning shooting, but only we would have been able to edit those images in chronological order and not those who did it in Hong Kong and Madrid. Everyone was sure, from what the agencies and other media said, that those images were inside the square. The famous image of the man in front of the tank that everyone remembers and is one of the icons of the 20th century was even attributed to a massacre in the square that did not exist. That image is from the 5th, taken from the Peking Hotel by other colleagues, not by us, when the column of tanks was withdrawing from the square after having cleared and occupied it.
6月4日星期日早上，当我们带着这些照片到达酒店时，几位同事想要这些照片。我决定与美国广播公司分享，因为这是让他们立即离开中国的唯一途径。 但是，正如我所说的——这就是我之前坚持的原因——我们磁带中的录音与事件发生的时间顺序不符。在进入广场之前，以及在早上的拍摄中，他们身上有死伤者，但只有我们能够按时间顺序编辑这些图像，而不是那些在香港和马德里拍摄的人。从这些机构和其他媒体的说法来看，每个人都确信这些图像在广场内。坦克前那个男人的著名形象，每个人都记得，是20世纪的偶像之一，甚至被认为是广场上一场根本不存在的大屠杀。这张照片来自5日，是其他同事在北京酒店拍摄的，而不是我们拍摄的，当时坦克纵队在清理并占领广场后正在撤出广场。
That coverage was very important to me, but it left me some bitterness and frustration with the conditions in which I worked. The version that José Luis Márquez gives of those events, and that anyone who wants can search the Internet on the National Radio of Spain on June 4, and that he has repeated for a quarter of a century, is an insult to intelligence: he only took a taxi, and as he was smarter than the 2,500 journalists who were in Beijing at that time, he went to the square – he did not even have an assistant – he carried, in addition to the seven kilos of camera weight, a bag with fifteen cassettes, cables , microphones, etc., he fell asleep a little sleep while the tanks arrive and amidst the bullets he left there with the students. All a hero. [Audio: Interview with José Luis Márquez in RNE]
这篇报道对我来说非常重要，但它给我的工作条件留下了一些苦涩和沮丧。何塞·路易斯·马尔克斯（JoséLuis Márquez）对这些事件的描述，以及任何想要的人都可以在6月4日的西班牙国家广播电台（National Radio of Spain）上搜索互联网的说法，他已经重复了四分之一个世纪，这是对情报的侮辱：他只坐了一辆出租车，因为他比当时在北京的2500名记者更聪明，所以他去了广场——他甚至没有助手——除了7公斤的相机重量外，他还带着一个装有15盒磁带、电缆、麦克风等的袋子。当坦克到达时，他睡着了，在他和学生们一起离开的子弹中睡着了。都是英雄。[音频：在RNE采访JoséLuis Márquez]
And what was the fate of all the material recorded? Why hasn’t it been used to turn it into a Spanish documentary that records, based on that exclusive, everything that happened during those hours?
所有记录的材料的命运如何？为什么它没有被用来把它变成一部西班牙纪录片，根据这部独家纪录片记录那些小时里发生的一切？
Surely it is in the TVE archive, in the same disorder in which it was recorded, and a report could never really be made telling how the events occurred. There are even unpublished images such as those of the entire process of making the Goddess of Democracy that were never broadcast. A year later, when Carcedo rewarded my work by closing the correspondent and sending me to Madrid, Manu Leguineche, who was then director of En Portada, commissioned me, on the first anniversary of the tragedy, a program, but insisted on the version of the massacre inside the plaza against my criteria and my personal testimony. He even gave a presentation of the program telling how the tanks entered the square and crushed the students. It is in the TVE archive in case anyone doubts what I say.
毫无疑问，它在TVE档案中，与记录它的混乱状态相同，而且永远无法真正制作出一份报告来说明事件是如何发生的。甚至还有一些未发表的图片，比如制作民主女神的整个过程，从未播出。一年后，当卡尔切多关闭记者并将我送往马德里，作为对我工作的奖励时，时任En Portada总监的马努·莱吉内切在悲剧发生一周年之际委托我制作了一个节目，但他坚持认为广场内大屠杀的版本不符合我的标准和我的个人证词。他甚至介绍了这个项目，讲述了坦克是如何进入广场并碾压学生的。它在TVE档案中，以防有人怀疑我说的话。
I have to say in his defense that years later, already very ill, at his house in Brihuega he asked my forgiveness and admitted his mistake. He did it in front of witnesses. Later on, several private production companies have wanted to use that material, and because it has never been put in order, it has been very difficult for them to locate it. Paradoxically, the best documentary that has been made about those events using TVE images was made by the North American Carma Hinton, but this company gives the credit to ABC and not to Televisión Española. The confusion has been such that people chose for a special program that was made on the occasion of TVE’s 50 years among the best images of the man in front of the tank that, as I said, was not ours. It is surely in the TVE archive, in the same disorder in which it was recorded, and a report could never really be made telling how the events occurred. There are even unpublished images such as those of the entire process of making the Goddess of Democracy that were never broadcast. A year later, when Carcedo rewarded my work by closing the office and sending me to Madrid, Manu Leguineche, who was then director of En Portada, commissioned me, on the first anniversary of the tragedy, a program, but insisted on the version of the massacre inside the plaza against my criteria and my personal testimony. He even gave a presentation of the program telling how the tanks entered the square and crushed the students. It is in the TVE archive in case anyone doubts what I say.
我不得不为他辩护说，几年后，他已经病得很重，在布里胡加的家中请求我的原谅并承认了自己的错误。他是在目击者面前做的。后来，几家私人制片公司都想使用这些材料，因为这些材料从未整理好，他们很难找到它。矛盾的是，使用TVE图像拍摄的关于这些事件的最佳纪录片是由北美的Carma Hinton制作的，但这家公司将功劳归功于美国广播公司，而不是西班牙电视台。令人困惑的是，人们选择了一个在TVE成立50周年之际制作的特别节目，作为坦克前男子的最佳形象之一，正如我所说，这不是我们的。它肯定在TVE档案中，与它被记录的混乱状态相同，而且永远无法真正制作出一份报告来说明事件是如何发生的。甚至还有一些未发表的图片，比如制作民主女神的整个过程，从未播出。一年后，当卡尔切多关闭办公室并将我送往马德里作为对我工作的奖励时，时任En Portada董事的马努·莱吉内切在悲剧发生一周年之际委托我制作了一个节目，但他坚持认为广场内大屠杀的版本不符合我的标准和我的个人证词。他甚至介绍了这个项目，讲述了坦克是如何进入广场并碾压学生的。它在TVE档案中，以防有人怀疑我说的话。
All this confusion that you describe takes me to another point, and that is that it seems that the world has opted for amnesia in the face of the Tiananmen tragedy. Over the years, and with the twists and turns of international politics since then, has your perspective of what that terrible episode meant changed?
你描述的所有这些困惑让我想到了另一个问题，那就是面对天安门悲剧，世界似乎选择了健忘症。多年来，随着此后国际政治的曲折，你对这一可怕事件意味着什么的看法发生了变化吗？
No, it has not changed. That was traumatic for China, which took years to return to the political course that Deng Xiaoping had taken. Tiananmen was a slowdown and today integrates that trilogy of conflicting terms for the Chinese nomenclature: Taiwan, Tibet and Tiananmen.
不，它没有改变。这对中国来说是一种创伤，中国花了数年时间才回到邓小平所走的政治道路。天安门是一个减速，今天整合了台湾、西藏和天安门这三个相互冲突的中国术语。
On the other hand, people stayed with the idea of the “Tienanmen massacre” and it will continue to be used from time to time when it is wanted to remember that in China there is an iron dictatorship. Always, as long as the current regime survives, it will be a way of saying to the Chinese leaders: “Yes, a lot of economic prosperity, but you are violators of human rights.”
另一方面，人们仍然坚持“天安门大屠杀”的观点，当人们想记住中国有一个铁的独裁政权时，它将不时被使用。总的来说，只要现政权幸存下来，这将是对中国领导人说的一种方式：“是的，经济繁荣了很多，但你们侵犯了人权。”
(End of the excerpt related to the Tiananamen Square events.)
（有关天安门事件的节选到此结束）
*
Mr. Romanoff’s writing has been translated into 32 languages and his articles posted on more than 150 foreign-language news and politics websites in more than 30 countries, as well as more than 100 English language platforms. Larry Romanoff is a retired management consultant and businessman. He has held senior executive positions in international consulting firms, and owned an international import-export business. He has been a visiting professor at Shanghai’s Fudan University, presenting case studies in international affairs to senior EMBA classes. Mr. Romanoff lives in Shanghai and is currently writing a series of ten books generally related to China and the West. He is one of the contributing authors to Cynthia McKinney’s new anthology ‘When China Sneezes’. (Chapt. 2 — Dealing with Demons).
罗曼诺夫的作品已被翻译成32种语言，他的文章发表在30多个国家的150多个外语新闻和政治网站以及100多个英语平台上。拉里·罗曼诺夫是一位退休的管理顾问和商人。他曾在国际咨询公司担任高级管理职务，并拥有一家国际进出口公司。他曾是上海复旦大学的客座教授，为高级EMBA课程讲授国际事务案例研究。罗曼诺夫先生居住在上海，目前正在写一系列十本与中国和西方有关的书。他是辛西娅·麦金尼新选集《当中国打喷嚏》的特约作者之一。（第二章——对付魔鬼）。
His full archive can be seen at
他的完整文章库可以在以下看到
https://www.bluemoonofshanghai.com/ and https://www.moonofshanghai.com/
He can be contacted at:
他的联系方式：
2186604556@qq.com
Notes:
注释
[1] From the photos, some appear to be Xinjiang Uigurs, of which there are five distinct groups, four being eminently sociable, the last seeming genetically predisposed to almost any kind of crime.
（1）从照片上看，一些人似乎是新疆维吾尔族人，其中有五个不同的群体，其中四个是非常善于交际的，最后一个似乎遗传上容易导致任何类型的犯罪。
[2] To produce a unit of this kind would normally involve prior training and cash payment. One reason the US Consulates in China insist on cash-only payments for US visa applications from Chinese citizens (1,000 RMB each) is that this money bypasses the banking system and is freely available for black operations, today producing more than 800 million RMB per year that leaves no paper trail.
（2）生产这种单位通常需要事先培训和现金支付。美国驻华领事馆坚持对中国公民的美国签证申请（每人1000元人民币）只支付现金的一个原因是，这笔钱绕过了银行系统，可以自由地用于黑色行动交易，如今每年产生超过8亿元人民币的收入，没有任何书面记录。
[3] Military use for civilian purposes is a normal operation in China for typhoon and flood evacuations, landslide and earthquake rescues, and other similar emergencies. These are not armed soldiers in military vehicles, but simply able-bodied men available on command in the large numbers often required for such occasions. In Muxidi, these were all young men, most appearing from the photos to be perhaps in their early 20s. They were not armed, and arrived at the scene in ordinary city buses.
（3）军民两用是我国台风、洪灾疏散、山体滑坡和地震救援等类似紧急情况下的正常行动。他们不是军车里的武装士兵，只是在这种情况下经常需要的大量可供指挥的身体健全的人。在木樨地，这些人都是年轻人，从照片上看，大多数人可能20出头，他们没有武装，乘坐普通的城市公交车到达现场。
(4) The Morning Intelligence Summary for June 4, 1989, for US Secretary of State Baker, described the violence in Muxidi, and referred to how civilians “swarmed around military vehicles. APCs were set on fire, and demonstrators besieged troops with rocks, bottles, and Molotov cocktails.”
（4）1989年6月4日，美国国务卿贝克的早间情报摘要描述了穆西迪的暴力事件，并提到平民如何“蜂拥在军车周围”。运兵车被点燃，示威者用石块、瓶子和燃烧瓶包围了军队。”
(5) I haven’t a link for the availability of this book. I believe it is out of print but may be obtainable as a download from secondary or tertiary websites.
（5）我没有这本书的链接。我相信它已经绝版了，但可以从二级或三级网站下载。
(6) If we read carefully, it is evident from even this minuscule report that the third group, the ‘mercenaries’, were not acting in concert with either the workers or the students but were unknown outsiders acting against and above the public wishes and pursuing their own agenda of violence for which they had come prepared, and functioning as a team in the carnage they unleashed.
（6）如果我们仔细阅读，即使从这份微不足道的报告中也可以明显看出，第三个群体“雇佣兵”并不是与工人或学生一致行动，而是一个不知名的局外人，他们违背并凌驾于公众的意愿之上，追求他们自己事先准备好的暴力议程，在他们发动的大屠杀中发挥团队的作用。
(7) The strikingly similar pattern of uncontrolled violence by China’s Xinjiang Uigurs several years ago, where they bombed police stations, randomly burned hundreds of cars and buses, and killed indiscriminately hundreds of people (mostly police), were not, as the Western media claimed, spontaneous rebellions against intolerance by Beijing, but the result of a deliberate process of emotional programming. After the rebellion was put down, the government found in the hands of these people thousands of foreign-supplied “Otpor” manuals, inflammatory DVDs, instructions on bomb-making, and more, all clearly part of a planned program. The rioting in Hong Kong today exhibits the same fundamentals.
（7）几年前中国新疆维吾尔族人的暴力行为模式惊人相似，他们轰炸警察局，随意焚烧数百辆汽车和公共汽车，不分青红皂白地杀害数百人（大部分是警察），这并不像西方媒体所宣称的那样，是北京方面自发的反抗不容忍行为，但这是一个深思熟虑的情感编程过程的结果。叛乱被镇压后，政府在这些人手中发现了数千本外国提供的“奥特普尔”手册、煽动性的DVD、制造炸弹的说明等等，这些显然都是计划中的计划的一部分。今天香港的骚乱表现出相同的基本原理。
(8) A mere glance at any of the published photos displaying violence or mayhem, will permit anyone with even a passing familiarity with Beijing to see instantly that none of those photos were taken in Tiananmen Square. It was only the world’s lack of knowledge of China that permitted the US government and the international media to perpetrate this enormous fraud.
（8）只要瞥一眼公布的显示暴力或混乱的照片，任何对北京稍微熟悉的人都会立刻发现，这些照片都不是在天安门广场拍摄的。正是由于世界对中国缺乏了解，美国政府和国际媒体才得以实施这种巨大的欺诈行为。
(9) One cable sent on June 22, 1989 from the US Embassy in Beijing to the US Department of State in Washington, was a document that, in the words of its authors, “attempts to set the record straight” about the events of the night of June 3-4. It claims that, contrary to the reports in the Western media, any deaths did not occur in Tiananmen Square, but elsewhere. It also confirmed the casualty estimates. The contents of this cable were suppressed for more than 20 years until Wikileaks released it.
（9）1989年6月22日，美国驻北京大使馆发给华盛顿美国国务院的一份电报，用作者的话说，是一份关于6月3日至4日晚事件的“试图澄清事实”的文件。它声称，与西方媒体的报道相反，天安门广场没有发生任何死亡事件，而是其他地方。这也证实了伤亡人数的估计。这封电报的内容被压制了20多年，直到维基解密公布。
(10) In addition to the reports and chronicles from the Chinese government, the cables from the US Embassy in Beijing, and the written testimony of a number of respected journalists and diplomats who were present at the Square, a Spanish News camera crew took live video, which I believe is still available, of the peaceful clearing of the square. The video has never been shown.
（10）除了中国政府的报道和编年史，美国驻北京大使馆的电报，以及在场的一些受人尊敬的记者和外交官的书面证词之外，西班牙的一个新闻摄制组还对广场的和平清理进行了现场录像，我相信现在还可以看到。这段视频从未播放过。
(11) The Spanish Ambassador to China, Eugenio Bregolat, was present at the Square with the camera crew and wrote a book on the event, in which he vents his anger at the Western media for fabricating the massacre story. Publishers in English-speaking countries unanimously refuse to print a translation, and Amazon refuses to carry the original.
（11）西班牙驻华大使尤金尼奥·布雷戈拉特（Eugenio Bregolat）与摄制组一同出席广场，并就此事撰写了一本书，对西方媒体捏造大屠杀故事表示愤怒。英语国家的出版商一致拒绝印刷译文，亚马逊也拒绝携带原文。
(12) The Columbia Journalism Review conducted a detailed study in 1998, and published an article written by Jay Matthews, titled “The Myth of Tiananmen And the Price of a Passive Press”; the Columbia Journalism Review; June 4, 2010; https://archives.cjr.org/behind_the_news/the_myth_of_tiananmen.php?page=all
(12)《哥伦比亚新闻评论》在1998年进行了一项详细的研究，并发表了杰伊·马修斯的文章，题为“天安门的神话和被动媒体的价格”；哥伦比亚新闻评论；2010年6月4日；
(13) In 2009, James Miles, who was the BBC correspondent in Beijing at the time, admitted he had “conveyed the wrong impression” and that “there was no massacre on Tiananmen Square”, claiming “we got the main story right, but some of the details wrong”.
（13）2009年，当时在北京的BBC记者詹姆斯•迈尔斯（James Miles）承认，他“传达了错误的印象”，“天安门广场上没有发生大屠杀”，声称“我们把主要的故事说对了，但有些细节错了”。
(14) New York Times, June 05, 1989. Article by Nicholas Kristoff confirming a peaceful end to the student sit-in.
(14)New York Times, 纽约时报，1989年6月5日。尼古拉斯·克里斯托夫（Nicholas Kristoff）的文章证实了学生静坐的和平结束。
(15) Birth of a Massacre Myth; How the West Manufactured an Event that Never Occurred; Japan Times; Monday, July 21, 2008, By Gregory Clark; https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2008/07/21/commentary/birth-of-a-massacre-myth/
（15）大屠杀神话的诞生；西方如何制造从未发生过的事件；《日本时报》；2008年7月21日，星期一，格雷戈里·克拉克；
(16) “Live Reports” were published from some Western reporters detailing the view from their windows of the Beijing hotel of hundreds of students being mowed down by machine guns. Their reports were ridiculed and condemned by others who revealed that the Square cannot be seen from the Beijing Hotel. Similar claims were made by Wu’er Kaixi, the Uigur student leader, also discredited when foreign reporters stated that he was seen in a far side of Beijing at the time he claimed to have seen those events.
（16）一些西方记者发表了“现场报道”，详细描述了他们从窗口看到的北京饭店数百名学生被机关枪砍倒的情景。他们的报道遭到其他人的嘲笑和谴责，他们透露，从北京饭店看不到广场。维吾尔族学生领袖乌尔开希也发表了类似的言论，外国记者称他当时在北京的一个遥远的地方看到了他，他声称看到了这些事件，这也让他失去了信誉。
(17) Helvey organised student revolutions in Vietnam and Myanmar, along with Otpor! in Serbia, Kmara! in Georgia, Pora! in Ukraine, Czechoslovakia’s “Velvet revolution” in 1989, then spreading his talents to Africa and South America. Helvey was associated with Gene Sharp in the George Soros-funded Einstein Institute, formed in 1983 as an offshoot of Harvard University to specialise in organising student political protests as a form of US colonial warfare. It was Sharp and Helvey who created the Otpor manuals that began the process of the destruction of Jugoslavia.
（17）赫尔维和奥特普尔一起在越南和缅甸组织了学生革命！在塞尔维亚，凯玛拉！在乔治亚州，波拉！在乌克兰，1989年捷克斯洛伐克发动了“天鹅绒革命”，随后将他的才华传播到非洲和南美洲。赫尔维与吉恩·夏普（Gene Sharp）在乔治·索罗斯（George Soros）资助的爱因斯坦学院（Einstein Institute）有关联，该学院成立于1983年，是哈佛大学（Harvard University）的一个分支，专门组织学生政治抗议活动，作为美国殖民战争的一种形式。正是夏普和赫尔维创造了奥特普尔手册，开始了摧毁朱戈斯拉维亚的进程。
(18) Near the end of May, 1989, Wan Li, the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, was in Washington for a meeting with then President George Bush, in which Wan raised the issue of the student protest in Beijing. The record of the meeting is too heavily redacted to create much understanding or draw conclusions but, after the meeting, Wan abruptly cut short his US visit, returned home, and publicly supported the dire necessity for the government’s prior declaration of martial law.
（18）1989年5月底，全国人大常委会委员长万里在华盛顿会见时任总统布什，万里在会上提出了北京学生抗议的问题。会议记录被大量删减，无法产生太多的理解或得出结论，但在会议结束后，万突然中断了对美国的访问，回国，并公开支持政府必须事先宣布戒严。
(19) The VOA is operated by the NED – the National Endowment for Democracy – a front company funded by the CIA that does much of that agency’s dirty work not involving actual killing – although sometimes it does that, too. The VOA is funded for its public activities by the US State Department, and by the CIA for its participation in black ops.
(19) 美国之音是由国家民主基金会NED操作的，前沿公司是由中央情报局资助的，该机构在该机构的肮脏工作中不涉及实际的杀戮，尽管有时也会这样做。美国之音的公共活动由美国国务院资助，中情局参与黑人行动也得到资助。
(20)https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tiananmen _(documentary)
(20) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tiananmen_(documentary)
(21) Longbow lawsuit: The New Yorker; May 7, 2009 The American Dream: The Lawsuit
(21)长弓诉讼：纽约客；2009年5月7日美国梦：诉讼
(22) TAM Transcript Index; Chai Ling; http://www.tsquare.tv/film/transcript_complete.php
(22)TAM转录指数；柴玲；
(23) Tiananmen Square, 1989: The Declassified History; Edited By Jeffrey T. Richelson and Michael L. Evans; National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 16; Published – June 1, 1999; http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/index.html
(24) For the potential showdown in Tiananmen Square, the workers’ protest, and the mercenary violence in Muxidi, it is difficult to believe the simultaneity was accidental. The theory that appears to fit all the known facts is that the workers’ revolt, with the mercenary violence separately coordinated and injected into the picture, was timed to coincide with the hoped-for Tiananmen bloodshed with the intent of reducing much of Beijing to violence and anarchy, resulting in a range of unpleasant possibilities. It nearly happened just this way.
（24）对于可能在天安门广场摊牌、工人抗议和木樨地发生的雇佣军暴力事件，很难相信同时发生是偶然的。似乎符合所有已知事实的理论是，工人的反抗，与雇佣军的暴力分开协调和注入画面，是在时间上与希望中的天安门流血事件相吻合，目的是将北京大部分地区变成暴力和无政府状态，导致一系列令人不快的可能性。事情就这样发生了。
(25) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Yellowbird
(26) In those days, travel to Hong Kong was not quick and easy as today, so some clever logistics were necessary, Chai Ling claiming to have been shipped to Hong Kong in a suitcase.
(26) 在那些日子里，去香港的旅行不像今天那么快和容易，所以一些聪明的物流是必要的，柴玲声称已经被运到香港的一个手提箱。
(27) Many diplomatic problems resulted from the US government’s interference in China’s internal affairs at the time. In addition to stoking revolutionary fires in the students and fueling the violence at Muxidi, the US government was condemned for providing sanctuary in the US Embassy for several of the Chinese riot leaders, and on June 11 a US Embassy cable reported that Chinese radio and TV stations read official letters on the air, accusing the US government of not only actively supporting political rebels but providing refuge for the “criminals who created the violence” at Muxidi. (18) The Western media entirely censored all such news.
（27）许多外交问题都是由于当时美国政府干涉中国内政造成的。美国政府除了在学生身上点燃革命烈火和助长木樨地的暴力事件外，还因为在美国大使馆为几名中国防暴领导人提供避难所而受到谴责，6月11日，美国大使馆的一份电报报道说，中国电台和电视台在广播中宣读官方信件，指责美国政府不仅积极支持政治叛军，而且为木樨地的“制造暴力的罪犯”提供庇护。（18） 西方媒体完全审查了所有这些新闻。
(28) US Embassy confirms China’s version of Tiananmen Square events; Cables obtained by Wikileaks confirm China’s account. UK Telegraph, By Malcolm Moore, Shanghai; 04 Jun 2011;
（28）美国大使馆证实了中国对天安门事件的说法；维基解密获得的电报证实了中国的说法。英国电讯报，Malcolm Moore，上海；2011年6月4日；
(29) Students were not involved in arranging the protest at Muxidi though a few may have been in attendance. The square already had a contingent of soldiers and was in no need of reinforcement, the military may have entered Muxidi with guns firing, but students were not the target, and in any case the students had already voted to clear the square before the violence erupted at Muxidi.
（29）学生们并没有参与安排木樨地的抗议活动，尽管可能有一些学生参加了抗议活动。广场已经有一支士兵分队，不需要增援，军方可能用枪声进入木樨地，但学生并不是袭击目标，无论如何，在木樨地暴力事件爆发前，学生们已经投票清除广场。
(30) It should be noted that the truncated version of the famous “tank man” photo, which was taken a day or two later, of a single young man apparently defying several military tanks, was used to embellish the hoax. The wide-angle view of that photo shows a long string of military vehicles on a totally unrelated passage down Chang’An Avenue and through the Square and, in any case, they were clearly leaving, not arriving.
（30）需要指出的是，这张著名的“坦克人”照片的截短版，是在一两天后拍摄的，照片上一个年轻人显然在藐视几辆军用坦克，这是用来美化骗局的。这张照片的广角照片显示，一长串军用车辆沿着长安街穿过广场，在一条完全无关的通道上，无论如何，它们显然是离开而不是到达。
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